Opus 125 Symphony No. 9 in D minor with final chorus based on Schiller’s Ode to Joy, for orchestra, four solo voices (soprano, alto, tenor, and bass), and choir.
I) Allegro ma non troppo, un poco maestoso – II) Molto vivace – III) Adagio molto e cantabile, andante moderato – IV) Final on the hymn “An die Freude” di Schiller
Opus 125 Symphony No. 9 in D minor with final chorus on Schiller’s Ode to Joy, for orchestra, four solo voices (soprano, alto, tenor, and bass), and choir, Op. 125, dedicated to King Friedrich Wilhelm III of Prussia, 1822–February 1824, first published in Mainz (full score, separate parts, and reduction for voice and piano of the final movement), Schott, late August 1826. GA. no. 9 (series 1/9) – B. 125 – KH. 125 – L. IV, p. 168 – N. 125 – T. 238.
The original manuscript is held in the Deutsche Staatsbibliothek in Berlin; a bassoon part from the fourth movement is also housed there. A sheet containing the first two bars of the coda of the Scherzo and trombone parts from the second and fourth movements are preserved in the Bodmer Collection at the Beethovenhaus, and part of the instrumental introduction to the tenor solo (March) from the fourth movement is held at the Paris Conservatory Library. The sketches are documented by Nottebohm.
Orchestra: piccolo flute (in some parts of the Finale), flutes, 2 oboes, 2 clarinets, 2 bassoons, contrabassoon (in some parts of the Finale), 4 horns, 2 trumpets, 3 trombones (in the Scherzo and some parts of the Finale), timpani, triangle, cymbals, and bass drum (in some parts of the Finale), strings.
Four years separate the Seventh and Eighth Symphonies (1812) from the first glimpses in Beethoven’s imagination of what would later become the Ninth Symphony. However, some fundamental elements—both musical and ideological—that are coordinated and developed in this work trace back to a much earlier period. We have previously mentioned several antecedents: the letter from Fischenich to Carlotta Schiller dated 23 January 1793, which mentions the young composer’s intention to “set Schiller’s Ode to Joy to music, verse by verse”; the Gegenliebe of 1795; the sketch Muss ein lieber Vater wohnen from 1798-99; the Fantasia for Piano, Orchestra, and Chorus of 1808; and the note for the Schillerian ode among the sketches for the Overture “For the Name Day” of 1815.
From this latter year, however, sketches begin to appear in which the musical ideas that would later find full development in the future symphony gradually become clearer and more defined. In a notebook from 1815, following the final works for the Piano Sonata in D major, Op. 102 No. 2 for piano and cello, there is a fugue subject whose theme would later become the one for the Scherzo of the Ninth Symphony. Towards the end of another notebook, covering May 1815 to May 1816, the same subject appears, with the words: “Symphony, initially with only four voices; two violins, viola, cello, basses in mezzo forte, with other voices and, if possible, gradually introducing each other instrument.”
This theme reappears in a 1817 notebook, where many sketches for the first movement can also be found, along with those for the first movement of the Piano Sonata, Op. 106. There is no mention of the third and fourth movements. From the second half of 1818 comes Beethoven’s note: “Adagio cantico. Religious song for a symphony in ancient modes: ‘Herr Gott dich loben wir. Alleluja’ in an independent manner or as an introduction to a fugue. Perhaps in this second way, the entire second symphony could be characterised with the entrance of the voices in the Finale or already in the Adagio. Decuple the violins of the orchestra, etc., for the final movement. Or the Adagio might be somehow repeated in the final sections, where the voices gradually enter. In the Adagio, the text might be a Greek myth or a church hymn: in the Allegro, a celebration of Bacchus.”
The years from 1819 to 1822 were mainly dedicated to various other works: the Piano Sonatas Op. 109, 110, 111, the Missa Solemnis, the Overture Op. 124, the chorus for the Consecration of the House. However, once the sketches for these works were completed, Beethoven returned to the symphony and focused on it almost exclusively. By the summer or autumn of 1822, the work on the first movement was quite advanced, and for the first time, a note appears with the words and music of the Ode to Joy. (Other numerous sketches from the period 1817-1823 related to the symphony, but unused, are documented in Biamonti 686, Biamonti 746, and Biamonti 779.)
A conversation between Beethoven and Rochlitz in the summer of 1822 confirms the composer’s intention, already mentioned in his 1818 notes, to write two symphonies. The first, intended for the London Philharmonic Society, with whom Beethoven had been in negotiations since April and for which he received the official commission on 20th December, was to be entirely instrumental. The second, the German symphony, would be conceived with a final choral movement, which, initially unclear, would later take shape in Schiller’s Ode. Ultimately, Beethoven merged the two projects into a single reality, transferring, after a series of attempts, Schiller’s choral text into the symphony, which became the Ninth Symphony as we know it, and was subsequently sent to the aforementioned Philharmonic Society. The themes sketched for the alternative Finale permeated the Finale of the String Quartet in A minor, Op. 132. This page presents the reconstruction of this alternative Finale, by the German composer Gerd Prengel. (See the image at the bottom of the page.)
By April 1823, the second movement was fully outlined. A notebook from May to July contains other sketches close to the final versions of the first and third movements. The Adagio was completed by October. During the summer and autumn, Beethoven returned to work on Schiller’s Ode. He devoted the entire second half of the year to the instrumental introduction of the Finale. By February 1824, eight years after the first sketches, the symphony was ready in full score. Beethoven’s idea, which had long focused on Schiller’s Ode, was to transition from the indefinite, purely instrumental expression to the determination of sung words, accompanied by instruments, in order to achieve, while remaining within the realm of essentially musical celebration, the most vibrant exaltation of a concept capable of lyrical vivification in itself.
It is undeniable that, as one delves deeper into the various sections of the Symphony, everything becomes increasingly homogeneous; the introduction and the very essence of the various choral moments appear to be more and more interconnected, both with each other and with the text of the work, in the celebration of a universal feeling of brotherhood and joy, to which the idea of goodness and freedom is inseparably linked. Within these ideals, all can truly and humanely call themselves happy. However, the four movements of the Symphony should not be considered with the interpretive and descriptive criteria of a symphonic poem in the usual and common sense of the term.
Their connection is of a more essentially musical and profound nature. Three different states of mind: tragic, passionate — fantastic, changeable (the play of intangible elements of passion) — contemplative (aspiration, affection, hope), before which the human voice intervenes to determine the fourth jubilant and resolute state, in which the instrumental element highlights, strengthens, and integrates the emotions expressed by the words with variations of an eloquent primordial theme, bent to diverse expressions. However, Beethoven arrived at this organic result after many attempts, and in a manner that we later do not know whether he was ultimately satisfied with. The singing was meant to enter into the whole as substance within substance, shedding a clear light retrospectively on the preceding instrumental pages, and unequivocally resolving the knot of a living action, albeit latent, since the very first movement. But it was not easy to find the transition form from the realm of pure music, which, in a certain sense, was no longer enough, to that of the sung word, which might have seemed too definite or coarse. The sketches recorded by Nottebohm are very significant in this regard.
First, there is an incomplete phrase, which sounds roughly like this: “Not this… let us remember our despair,” above a prelude-recitative to which it likely belongs. Then, following a tumultuous instrumental passage, already somewhat similar to what will become the final version of the introductory Presto of the Finale, the recitative continues with the words: “Today is a solemn day: let it be celebrated with song.”
After a repetition of the tumultuous instrumental passage, the orchestra continues with the opening measures of the first movement, and the recitative resumes: “Oh no, not this; something different and more pleasant is what I seek.” The theme of the Scherzo follows, and the recitative comments: “Not even this! It’s not better at all, just a bit livelier.” Then, some measures of the Adagio are introduced, interrupted by another recitative: “This is too tender; we must look for something more lively, like… I will try to sing you something, the voices will just have to follow me.” Finally, the first bars of the theme of joy (instrumental) appear, to which the voice responds: “This is it! Finally, we have found it!” (recitative), followed by: “Joy, beautiful spark of God…” (above the aforementioned theme). This final dual aspect (recitative and melody) is subsequently developed into a form already very close to that of the bass entrance: “Friends, not these sounds…” etc., in the final version.
Beethoven then considers a shorter, purely symphonic introduction. In fact, he writes, after several interruptions: “Let us sing the poem of the immortal Schiller,” and immediately follows with the well-known song: “Joy, beautiful spark of God…”. He then repeats the tumultuous instrumental passage, followed by the words: “Bass: Not these sounds… but merrier ones; Voice: Joy, Joy!” and the theme’s motif. The raw schematism of these drafts is softened and developed in the final version, whose structure, after the tumultuous introduction, transitions from the contrast between an expansive recitative for cellos and double basses and a more purely instrumental expression (recalling earlier themes) to the exposition and development, within the orchestra, of the thematic refrain of joy, taken to its greatest glorification, then suspended, diverted, and resolved after another, more biting, essentially instrumental cry, in the entrance of the bass: “Friends, not these sounds, but let us raise more pleasant and joyful songs!” (O Freunde, nicht diese Töne! Sondern lasst uns angenehmere anstimmen, und freudenvollere!). After these words (the only ones that remained from Beethoven’s initial drafts, as previously mentioned), the Schillerian invocation follows in the solo voice, with the well-known theme, and the first word: “Joy!” is echoed twice by the acclamatory bass chorus.
As already mentioned, the Ninth Symphony was composed for the Philharmonic Society of London, but the society only received the manuscript after the first performance, which took place in Vienna, at the Kärntnertortheater, on May 7, 1824. The performance was a great success with the public but met with little financial gain due to poor administrative organization. The work was then officially dedicated to King Frederick William III of Prussia. During a performance of the Ninth, conducted by him in Dresden on Palm Sunday of 1846, Richard Wagner wrote an explanatory program, using fragments from Goethe’s Faust to interpret the music up until the entry of the vocal part. Such an interpretation may be debatable, but it remains within the sphere of a general spiritual affinity that the composer believed he could detect between musical and poetic elements. We cannot say the same for Schering’s interpretation, which attempts to match the individual moments of the music with those of certain poetic texts by Schiller for the first three movements (The Tartarus Group – The Dance – Happiness) and makes of the final movement a detailed depiction, as if it were a mimed and sung representation, of a Dionysian celebration.
In the first movement, from the mysterious introduction to the first eruption of the theme, to the various musical formulations of a multiple yearning, which now seems to gently question, now wrap itself in stormy entanglements, or break, or disperse, or spill into voices of weeping, through the complications of a form that, while adhering to the basic rules of classical structure, magnifies every element, there is a series of contrasts, struggles, collapses, and new struggles, which the final oration raises to the highest tragic level. The second movement is based, in its first part, on a rhythmic figure that Beethoven had already magnificently used in the initial Allegro of the Seventh Symphony and also introduced in the Finale of the Fifth Piano Concerto. It is full of animation, rich in fanciful elements interspersed with episodes of rough, sometimes sentimental, humour. The freshness of the Trio evokes a state of serenity, reminiscent of the Pastoral Symphony.
The restless soul finds a rest there—but only temporarily, as the first part returns with its ceaseless run of notes, only to finally stop after another brief hint at that same peace, in a leap that seems almost angrily to cut off any further indulgence. The third movement begins with a very cantabile Adagio, a kind of grave and sweet prayer, to which a more humanly passionate theme (Andante moderato) seems to respond, with the movement of an idealised dance aria. The first variation of the Adagio is of a greater persuasive grace, to which the sweet Andante again responds. The Adagio returns a third time in the wind instruments, mystically gathered, before rising to the larger form of lyrical glorification (variation of the violins, the original melody in the wind instruments, with accompaniment from the other strings and timpani), twice interrupted by calls that we might almost describe as “battle cries,” and is taken up with ever-increasing intensity until the conclusion. (For the original development of this second theme, see Biamonti 779).
As if to rouse from a sudden awakening, a fortissimo of all the wind instruments begins the Finale, but it lasts only a few bars. Immediately after, the recitative of the cellos and double basses contrasts with thematic motifs from earlier movements in the symphony. The contrast resolves in the entry of a melody that carries the serene breadth, confidence, and simplicity of a popular religious hymn. Around this melody, initially exposed in a simple pianissimo by the solo cellos and double basses, other parts gradually interweave in counterpoint, creating an increasingly complex development, from which it eventually emerges once more in its original monodic form, now accompanied by the full orchestra. But even this breaks apart, and the initial instrumental cry bursts forth again, more harshly, fortissimo.
Immediately after, the voice of the chorus leader (baritone) rises, on the theme already from the instrumental recitative, with the words: “O Freunde, nicht diese Töne! Sondern lasst uns angenehmere anstimmen und freudenvollere” (Friends, not these sounds! But let us raise more pleasant and joyful songs). These words, as is well known, were conceived by Beethoven, and he introduced them almost as an invocation for the assistance of human singing, to celebrate the consoling feeling in a concrete and defined form. After the invocation: Joy! echoed by the basses, the chorus leader begins the song on the theme of the melody that the instrumental expression had also magnificently highlighted: “Joy, beautiful spark of God, daughter of Elysium, we enter, intoxicated with passion, O Celestial One, into your sanctuary. Your enchantments reunite what the law has strictly separated; all men become brothers where your gentle wings rest.”
The choir repeats the second stanza; then the quartet of soloists continues with the same melody: “He who has had the great fortune to be a friend of a friend, he who has obtained a sweet woman, let him unite his joy with ours! Yes, he who can call even a single soul his on earth! And whoever has not been able to, let him fly away, weeping, from this gathering.”
The orchestra imitates for a while the harmonies of the organ. Faith is defined and gathered: “Do you bow down, O millions? Do you hear the Creator, O world? Seek Him above the starry vault! He must dwell above the stars!”
The two celebratory elements, the human and the divine, imbued with the same enthusiasm, are taken up and intertwined by the choir and orchestra with energetic animation. Continuing, the soloists and choir resume the opening verses of the ode with almost frantic animation. After one last, warm invocation from the vocal quartet, the celebration takes on a distinct aspect of popular jubilation that concludes tumultuously, even amidst a few other moments of ecstatic suspension.
Beethoven has only partially set Schiller’s ode to music, and he follows a different order from the original in the sequence of the various stanzas. Below is the full German text.
[By Biamonti Giovanni – Catalogo cronologico e tematico delle opere di Beethoven comprese quelle inedite e gli abbozzi non utilizzati, Torino, ILTE 1968]
FRIEDRICH SCHILLER – AN DIE FREUDE
O Freunde, nicht diese Töne!
Sondern laßt uns angenehmere
anstimmen und freudenvollere.
Freude! Freude!
Freude, schöner Götterfunken
Tochter aus Elysium,
Wir betreten feuertrunken,
Himmlische, dein Heiligtum!
Deine Zauber binden wieder
Was die Mode streng geteilt;
Alle Menschen werden Brüder,
Wem der große Wurf gelungen,
Eines Freundes Freund zu sein;
Wer ein holdes Weib errungen,
Mische seinen Jubel ein!
Ja, wer auch nur eine Seele
Sein nennt auf dem Erdenrund!
Und wer’s nie gekonnt, der stehle
Weinend sich aus diesem Bund!
Freude trinken alle Wesen
An den Brüsten der Natur;
Alle Guten, alle Bösen
Folgen ihrer Rosenspur.
Küsse gab sie uns und Reben,
Einen Freund, geprüft im Tod;
Wollust ward dem Wurm gegeben,
Und der Cherub steht vor Gott.
Froh, wie seine Sonnen fliegen
Durch des Himmels prächt’gen Plan,
Laufet, Brüder, eure Bahn,
Freudig, wie ein Held zum Siegen.
Seid umschlungen, Millionen!
Diesen Kuß der ganzen Welt!
Brüder, über’m Sternenzelt
Muß ein lieber Vater wohnen.
Ihr stürzt nieder, Millionen?
Ahnest du den Schöpfer, Welt?
Such’ ihn über’m Sternenzelt!
Über Sternen muß er wohnen. »
Official title: Opus 125 Symphonie Nr. 9 (d-moll) mit Schlusschor über Friedrich Schillers Ode „An die Freude“ für Soli, Chor und Orchester Widmung: Friedrich Wilhelm III. König von Preußen NGA 1/5 AGA 9 = Serie 1/9 Beiname: Chorsymphonie.
Creation and publication: essentially composed between the spring of 1823 and February 1824. Between 1815 and 1820, Beethoven repeatedly wrote sketches planning a symphony. Only after completing the Missa Solemnis did he seriously resume the project around October 1822, before abandoning it again in February/March 1823 in favour of the Diabelli Variations, Op. 120. In this further phase, he dedicated himself almost exclusively to the symphony until the completion of the autograph score in February 1824. The original edition in score and parts appeared in August, while the piano reduction of the final movement was published by Schott in Mainz in September 1826. According to a message from Bartolomäus Fischenich to Charlotte von Schiller, Beethoven already intended in 1792/93 to compose Schiller’s “An die Freude” as a Lied (letter of 26 January 1793 in D-WRgs, GSA 83/1734). The 1798/99 sketches for a song in C major with the text “muß ein lieber Vater wohnen” can be found in a sketchbook (DB, Mus. ms. Beethoven Grasnick 1, Bl. 13r, already available from the Centre for Musical Research, Biamonti 189). Perhaps in Biamonti 189, Beethoven was revising parts of a Lied composed earlier. On 13 September 1803, Ferdinand Ries offered “An die Freude” to the publisher Simrock in Bonn along with other compositions which, according to him, had been composed four years earlier (BGA 155). The song is now lost (Hess 143; Lühning/NGA XII/1 KB p. 7, Brandenburg/Op. 125 p. 89f). Sketches from 1811/12 (according to Hans-Werner Küthen, even from 1813) still exist for Schiller’s ode. These belong to the so-called Petter notebook and include, among other things, references to the Overture, Op. 115 (Küthen/NGA II/1 KB p. 18f, 25; Küthen/Op. 125 p. 49-51; Brandenburg/Petter Fig. 2-3; Küthen sees in Mozart’s Misericordias Domini KV 222 a model for the subsequent setting of the ode in the 9th symphony, cf. Küthen/Op. 125; the melodic similarity was already highlighted in 1854, cf. Niederrheinische Musik-Zeitung2, 1854, Literaturblatt 4, 29 April 1854, p. 15).
The third movement was probably developed in autumn, and finally, the finale was written in December 1823 (for the chronology and documentary evidence, see Albrecht/Op. 125). By February 1824, the symphony was probably complete. Before the first performance, Beethoven commissioned a copy of the score, which was made in the first three months of 1824. This copy served as the conductor’s score and later as a model for the engraver of the original edition. The Ninth Symphony was first mentioned to a publisher in 1822 in a letter from Johann van Beethoven to Antonio Pacini in Paris (BGA 1518 of 27 December 1822). Ludwig van Beethoven officially offered it to Maurice Schlesinger in Paris on 25 February 1824: “Ich biete Ihnen auch die Partitur einer ganz neuen großen Symphonie, welche aber erst 1825 herausgegeben werden kann. Dazu gehört ein großes Finale mit Chören u. Solostimmen, auf dieselbe Art, doch größer ausgeführt, als meine Klavierphantasie [Op. 80]” (BGA 1782). Other offers were made on 10 March 1824 to Probst in Leipzig and Schott in Mainz: “eine neue große Symphonie, welche mit einem Finale (auf Art meiner Klavier-Fantasie mit Chor) jedoch weit größer gehalten mit Solo’s u. Chören von Singstimmen die Worte von Schillers unsterbl. bekannten Lied an die Freude schließt” (BGA 1787). Beethoven added to Probst: “Freilich ist bey dieser Symphonie die Bedingung, daß selbe erst künftiges Jahr 1825 im Juli erscheinen dürfte, jedoch würde ich für diesen langen Zeitraum auch ihnen gern den Klavierauszug unentgeltlich verfassen” (BGA 1788). No agreement was reached with Schlesinger or Probst, but Schott reported on 19 July 1824: “Den Verlag der beyden Werken [Op. 123 und 125] werden wir ohne Aufschub vornehmen, und die Partituren zugleich mit dem Klavierauszug und einzeln Stimmen, zusammen dem Publikum übergeben. Wir hoffen deutliche und korrekte Abschriften der Partituren zu erhalten, welchen Sie alle Bemerkungen gefälligst beifügen wollen, die dem Stecher zu wissen allenfalls nötig sein könnten. Auf die Korrekturen werden wir die größte Sorgfalt verwenden, und wenn Sie vielleicht selbst die letzte Korrektur übernehmen wollten, so haben Sie die Güte es uns wissen zu lassen” (BGA 1852).
This delay was likely related to the exclusive 18-month right Beethoven had granted to the Philharmonic Society of London. The arrival of the English copy was confirmed only by Charles Neate on 20 December 1824. On 28 March 1826, Beethoven reported that Frederick William III had accepted the dedication of the symphony. However, because the Prussian court requested a copy of the work, Beethoven again asked, at the end of July 1826, to postpone publication until the King had received the manuscript (BGA 2172). Already on 8 July 1826, Schott instructed Beethoven to send two copies of the edition to the distinguished dedicatee in Berlin, announcing that the score was available for printing. According to the publisher’s reports, however, the score and parts of the work did not appear until 28 August, and the piano reduction of the final movement was published on 14 September 1826. Subscription copies of the score arrived in Vienna on 2 or 5 September (BKh 10 p. 183f). Frederick William III probably received the dedicated copy only in October 1826. After the first major advertisement by the publisher on 27 September 1825 for Op. 123, 124, and 125, which was repeated several times and whose subscription date was repeatedly postponed, the works were included from May 1826 in the “Supplement au Catalog du Fonds […] des Fils de B. Schott”.
Schott also planned arrangements of the symphony for string quartet (Caecilia 2, 1825) and for four-hand piano by Christian Rummel. However, both editions (as was the case for Op. 124) were never realised. At the same time, Schott also announced an arrangement for piano with flute, violin, and cello ad libitum by Johann Nepomuk Hummel as “noch unter der Presse”, but this too never came to fruition. Hummel’s intention to arrange all nine symphonies for this instrumentation and publish them simultaneously in England and Germany was carried out only up to the 7th Symphony, which appeared in 1835. It was only around 1870 or later that Schott brought to market two- and four-hand arrangements of all nine symphonies under the title “Symphonies de L. van Beethoven, arrangées pour Piano par J. N. Hummel”. Five of the published or planned editions of the symphony, namely score, parts, and arrangements for string quartet, piano quartet, and piano duet, were announced in 1824/25.
Around 1844, Chappell published in London an arrangement by William Watts for four-hand piano with flute, violin, and cello ad libitum, which – in the interpretation of Beethoven’s agreement with the London Philharmonic Society – was titled “Grand Choral Symphony composed for the Philharmonie Society”.
The final chorus is taken from Friedrich von Schiller (1759-1805), “An die Freude”, composed probably in the summer of 1785, published in February 1786 in Thalia 1 (1785-1787), no. 2, pp. 1-5. A revised version was planned in 1803 for “Gedichte von Friedrich Schiller” (Leipzig, Vol. 2, p. 121-127). The changes are primarily in a few verses: “Was die Mode streng getheilt, / Alle Menschen werden Brüder” (instead of “was der Mode Schwerd getheilt; / Bettler werden Fürstenbrüder”). In this version, the last (ninth) stanza was omitted (“Rettung von Tirannen-ketten”). Schiller intended to include “An die Freude” in a definitive edition of his works. In a copy written for this purpose, Schiller’s corrections can be read (the copy was found upon his death); in stanza 4, it says “Wandelt Brüder eure Bahn” (instead of “Laufet Brüder eure Bahn”). The ode is divided into stanzas of eight lines and choral verses of four lines. Beethoven made a selection from stanzas 1-4: he fully composed the 1st and 3rd stanzas with the refrain verses, the 2nd without the refrain stanza, and from the 4th, he took only the refrain stanza.
Dedication: Frederick William III, King of Prussia, born 3 August 1770 in Potsdam, died 7 June 1840 in Berlin, son of Frederick William II (dedicatee of Op. 5) and his second wife, Friederike Luise von Hessen-Darmstadt (1751-1805). Beethoven met Frederick William III; he probably met him during his trip to Berlin in 1796 and probably encountered him again in 1814 at the Congress of Vienna. In 1823, the King subscribed to the Missa Solemnis, Op. 123. Beethoven initially considered dedicating the new symphony to Ferdinand Ries. In an early May 1823 letter, he wrote: “da Sie, wie es scheint eine Dedication von mir wünschen, wie gern willfahre ich ihnen, lieber als dem größten großen Herrn entre nous der Teufel weiß, wo man nicht in ihre Hände gerathen kann. – auf der neuen Symphonies erhalten sie die Dedication an Sie. – ich hoffe endlich die Ihrige an mich zu erhalten —” (BGA 1641). Just a year later, at the end of April 1824, Beethoven’s brother Johann wrote in a conversation notebook: “Was die Dedication der Simfon[ie] betrift, so war dies nur eine Anfrage des Kirchhofer für Reis [!], und muß auf keinen Fall seyn. M M Ries hätte es gern gesehn weil er bald von London fortgeht, — Ich erklärte ihm daß es mit diesem Werk schwerlich sein kön[n]te, worauf er auch nicht weiter mehr etwas sagte.” (BKh 6 p. 93). The mentioned Franz Christian Kirchhoffer (1785-1842) was a cashier and accountant at the silk wholesaler Hofmann und Goldstein in Rabengasse No. 645 in Vienna. (The contact was initiated through Ries’s brother, Franz Joseph Ries [1792-1860], who lived in Vienna, was a piano maker, and resided at the Starhemberg-sche Freihaus on Wieden No. 1, Altwiedner Hauptstrasse, near Kirchhoffer).
Ferdinand Ries left London on 9 July 1824 and arrived with his family in Godesberg near Bonn on 14 July. At the same time, Beethoven was probably considering a noble dedicatee (from whom a substantial financial return was expected). In early April 1824, Karl’s nephew wrote in a conversation notebook: “Sobald die Synphonie nach England geschickt ist, wird sie nochmahl abgeschrieben, auf feines Velinpapier und mit Calligraphischer Aufschrift dem König v. Frankreich geschickt, u dedizirt” (BKh 6 p. 17). At the end of May 1824, Karl stated: “Vorteilhafter wäre es freylich, wen[n] du sie einem Auswärtigen Großen dediciren dürftest. Er sagt, der Kaiser v. Rußland wird ohne Zweifel auch ein Geschenk schicken” (BKh 6 p. 237). At the beginning of August 1825, Beethoven officially announced to Schott: “die sinfonie wird einem Großen Herrn gewidmet werden” (BGA 2022). Later, the announcement of the dedication was further postponed. In early January 1826, Karl Holz suggested the Kings of Bavaria and Saxony as possible candidates (BKh 8 p. 258). On 28 January 1826, Beethoven mentioned Tsar Alexander of Russia, but he passed away on 1 December 1825 (BGA 2110). In March 1826, Beethoven finally turned to the Prussian Royal Ambassador in Vienna, Prince Franz Ludwig Hatzfeld zu Trachenberg: “Ich bin im Begriff, meine größte Symph. die ich bisher geschrieben, herauszugeben. Ich würde es mir zu höchster Ehre u. Gnade rechnen, wenn ich Selbe S.M. dem K. v. Preußen widmen dürfte. Ich nehme mir daher die Freyheit, E.D. zu bitten, daß dieselbe die Gnade haben möchten, dieß S.M. zu eröffnen; u. d. Sache auf eine günstige Art vorzutragen. E.D. werden keine Unehre damit einlegen. Auch wünsche ich, daß S.M. wissen möchten, daß ich ebenfalls zu Ihren Unterthanen vom Rhein gehöre, u. als solcher umso mehr wünschte, ihnen meine Ehrfurcht zu bezeugen” (BGA 2129). The Prussian king had already been recommended by Karl Holz as the dedicatee in mid-August 1825 (BKh 8 p. 41). The dedication was accepted, but on the condition that Frederick William III receive the manuscript of the work. This copy with dedication was prepared by Wenzel Rampl and – at the beginning of the 4th movement – by Ferdinand Wolanek. By the end of March, Wolanek had delivered an incomplete copy of the score of the 4th movement for a concert in Aachen, which Rampl completed in the summer of 1826 for the copy with dedication. The copy contains the metronome markings that Beethoven communicated to Schott on 13 October 1826, written by an unknown hand.
First performance at the “Akademie” on 7 May 1824 at the Kärntnertortheater in Vienna. The programme included the Ninth Symphony Op. 125, the Overture Op. 124, as well as three parts of the Missa Solemnis Op. 123 – Kyrie, Credo, and Agnus Dei – which were performed – due to censorship – as “three hymns”. The musical director was Michael Runde, the concert master was Ignaz Schuppanzigh, and the vocal soloists were Henriette Sontag, Caroline Unger, Anton Haitzinger, and Joseph Seipelt (as indicated in the Allgemeine Theaterzeitung, number 17, 1 May 1824, page 212). Beethoven stood next to Runde, facing the artists. In the finale of the symphony (as presumably in the movements of Op. 123), Conradin Kreutzer played a supportive role for the choir and soloists on the piano (TDR V p. 92). The orchestra and choir of the Kärntnertortheater performed, reinforced by the “Dilettanten” of the Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde.
Sketches: The numerous sketches and their study by Gustav Nottebohm will be addressed in an article by the Centre for Music Research, created specifically for the website.
Hymne des Temps Futurs
Poésie de Maurice Bouchor Chant de l’Ode à la Joie (Symphonie avec Choeur de Beethoven)transcrit par Julien Tiersot pour Chant et Piano
Paris, Editions Salabert R. L. 10312 & Cie
Maurice Bouchor (18 November 1855 – 18 January 1929) was a French poet, sculptor, and playwright, born in Paris. His work spans various genres, from poetry to dramatic arts, and reflects a deep engagement with both the beauty of language and the mystical aspects of spirituality. Bouchor’s literary career began with the publication of Chansons joyeuses in 1874, a collection that showcases his poetic charm and early interest in light-hearted, joyful themes. This was followed by Poèmes de l’amour et de la mer (1875), a work that delves into the realms of love and the sea, both of which were significant poetic symbols during the period. In 1878, he published Le Faust moderne, a prose and verse work that reimagines Goethe’s Faust, marking a notable step in his exploration of the mystical and the metaphysical.
His Les Contes parisiens (1880), published in verse, is a collection that explores the urban life of Paris through his eyes, capturing the spirit of the city with wit and a touch of melancholy. His later work, Aurore (1883), reveals a stronger shift toward religious mysticism, which reaches its fullest expression in Les Symboles (1888), a collection that was reissued in a new series in 1895. Les Symboles remains the most significant and thought-provoking of his works, marked by its symbolic and deeply introspective nature. Throughout his literary career, Bouchor also contributed to the Le Courrier français, a satirical weekly, where his sharp wit and commentary on contemporary life found a platform.
While primarily known as a poet, Bouchor was also a gifted sculptor. He designed and created his own fascinating marionettes, which he used in a series of religious-themed miniature dramas. These included Tobie (1889), Noel (1890), and Sainte Cécile (1892), all of which were performed at the Théâtre des Marionnettes in Paris. Bouchor’s marionettes were more than just puppets; they were part of a larger creative vision, where he animated them with verses he either recited or sang, often accompanied by his friends behind the scenes. These intimate, miniature dramas showcased not only Bouchor’s poetic talents but also his ability to blend visual art with performance.
Bouchor’s theatrical works were not limited to his marionettes. In 1895, he premiered a verse drama in one act titled Conte de Noël at the Théâtre Français. However, his play Dieu le veut (1888), a religious drama, was never performed, though its intended themes clearly show his continued interest in spirituality and religious symbolism.
In the later years of his career, Bouchor expanded his creative interests into the preservation of French folk music. Collaborating with the musician and musicologist Julien Tiersot (1857–1936), Bouchor worked to collect and preserve traditional French folk songs, which were in danger of being forgotten in the face of industrialization and urbanization. Their collaboration resulted in the publication of Chants populaires pour les écoles (1897), a collection aimed at promoting the rich oral tradition of France’s regional music within schools, ensuring the survival of these cultural treasures for future generations.
Bouchor’s artistic legacy, therefore, extends beyond his written words. Through his work with marionettes, his interest in folk music, and his devotion to exploring spiritual themes, he left behind a multifaceted body of work that continues to be appreciated for its artistic diversity and its deep, contemplative spirit. His dedication to preserving traditional culture and blending the visual, literary, and musical arts gives him a unique place in French artistic history.
Oh !quel magnifique rêve
Vient illuminer mes yeux
Quel brillant soleil se lève
Dans les purs et larges cieux
Temps prédits par nos ancêtres
Temps sacrés, c’ est vous enfin
Car la joie emplit les êtres
Tout est beau, riant, divin
On ne voit que fleurs écloses
Près des murmurantes eaux
Plus suaves sont les roses
Plus exquis les chants d’oiseaux
Pour mener gaiement nos rondes
Nous cherchons les bois ombreux
Mers, vallons, forêts profondes
Comme nous tout semble heureux
Plus de fratricides luttes
Plus de larmes, plus de sang
Il s’élève un chant de flûte
Calme et doux le soir descend
Oh ! merveille la tendresse
En un seul fond tous les coeurs
Et l’amour qui nous oppresse
Va jaillir en cri vainqueur
Julien Tiersot (born July 5, 1857, in Bourg-en-Bresse – died August 10, 1936, in Paris) was a French composer, ethnologist, and musicologist, renowned for his pioneering work in the study and preservation of folk music.
Tiersot’s career in musicology began at the Conservatoire de Paris, where he worked as deputy librarian from 1883 and later served as head librarian from 1909 to 1920. His position at the Conservatoire provided him with access to extensive musical resources, helping him become deeply involved in musicological research and influencing the development of music scholarship in France.
An early passion for folk traditions led Tiersot to focus much of his work on collecting and preserving the music of rural France. Between 1895 and 1899, he gathered over 1,200 folk songs from the French Alps, particularly from the regions of Savoie and Dauphiné. In 1903, these songs were published in his landmark work Chansons populaires recueillies dans les Alpes françaises, Savoie et Dauphiné (Folk Songs Collected from the French Alps, Savoie, and Dauphiné). The book features 125 lyrics and 119 melodies, many of which had been collected earlier by the ethnomusicologist Joseph Siméon Favre. Through this publication, Tiersot made a significant contribution to preserving the region’s folk traditions and shedding light on the unique musical culture of the French Alps.
Tiersot’s commitment to folk music extended beyond France. Between 1905 and 1906, he conducted ethnomusicological research in Canada alongside Édouard Gagnon. Their work explored the folk music of French-speaking communities in Canada, providing valuable insights into the evolution of French musical traditions in the New World.
A respected figure in the musicological community, Tiersot served as president of the Société Française de Musicologie (French Society of Musicology), playing a key role in shaping the future of musicological research in France. Although he composed music, his primary legacy lies in his scholarly contributions to the study of folk music. His work in the preservation and analysis of traditional songs remains a cornerstone of ethnomusicology.
Tiersot’s influence continues to resonate in the field of musicology. Through his meticulous research and dedication to preserving folk traditions, he helped ensure that the musical heritage of rural France and French-speaking communities would not be lost. His academic achievements and commitment to the folk music of his time have left a lasting mark on both the study of music and the preservation of cultural history.
