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The Enigma of Minona von Stackelberg: Was She the Illegitimate Daughter of Ludwig van Beethoven?

The Enigma of Minona von Stackelberg: Was She the Illegitimate Daughter of Ludwig van Beethoven?

ew version of the article that originally appeared in French in the A.B.F. journal, and earlier on the website www.lvbeethoven.com

Therese Brunsvik de Korompa (1775–1861)

A life shaped by music, pedagogy, and silent devotion

The eldest daughter of Count Anton Brunsvik and Anna von Seeberg, Therese was born in 1775 into one of Hungary’s most influential noble families. Raised between the estates of Martonvásár and Korompa, she received a refined education and soon distinguished herself for intelligence, sensitivity, and a strong reformist spirit.

In 1799, together with her mother and her sister Josephine, she entered the Viennese salons where she met Ludwig van Beethoven. A deep friendship grew between them, nourished by mutual esteem and a shared educational ideal. Therese was briefly his pupil, and in 1810 Beethoven dedicated to her the Sonata in F‑sharp major, Op. 78.

Her correspondence and diaries — invaluable historical sources — reveal not only her bond with Beethoven but also the central role she played in protecting and supporting her sister Josephine, especially during the most difficult years of her life.

A passionate advocate of Pestalozzi’s educational principles, Therese devoted herself to early childhood education and to the promotion of women’s rights. She founded the first kindergartens in Hungary and fought for social equality in Budapest. She never married, but became a spiritual mother to many children, including the mysterious Minona, Josephine’s daughter, whom she raised with love and discretion.

Therese died in 1861, leaving behind a legacy of pedagogical innovation and a unique testimony to the inner world of Beethoven and his circle.

Josephine Brunsvik de Korompa (1779–1821)

The countess who loved Beethoven — and paid the price of her nobility

Born in 1779, the second daughter of Count Anton Brunsvik and Anna von Seeberg, Josephine grew up amid the splendor of Hungarian aristocracy and the constraints of a strict upbringing. Gifted with grace, intelligence, and deep musical sensitivity, she entered the Viennese salons in 1799 with her mother and sister Therese, where she met Ludwig van Beethoven.

Between them arose a bond that was profound, passionate, and tormented. Josephine was his pupil, muse, and confidante. After her marriage in 1800 to Count Joseph Deym — a union of convenience rather than affection — the correspondence with Beethoven ceased, only to resume intensely after Deym’s death in 1804. Their letters, filled with longing and sorrow, reveal a relationship that challenged social conventions and the rigid boundaries of class.

Widowed and mother of four, Josephine found herself torn between her love for Beethoven and the legal and familial pressures that prevented her from marrying a man of non‑noble birth. Her life was marked by imposed choices, including a second, unhappy marriage to Baron Christoph von Stackelberg, with whom she had additional children.

In 1813, Minona was born — a mysterious child never officially acknowledged. Therese, ever devoted, took her in and raised her. The circumstances of Minona’s birth — and even her name, an anagram of “Anonim” — have long fueled the belief that Beethoven was the father.

Josephine died in 1821, worn down by illness and a life of renunciation. Today she emerges as a woman divided between duty and passion, nobility and freedom, motherhood and an impossible love.

Adam (Ádám) von Stackelberg (1787–1841)

The Baltic baron who became Josephine’s second husband

Adam von Stackelberg, born in 1787 into a Baltic noble family, belonged to the cosmopolitan world of the imperial aristocracy that moved between Vienna, Livonia, and the courts of Central Europe. Young, polished, and ambitious, he quickly entered diplomatic and military circles, where he distinguished himself for elegant manners and a taste for social life.

In 1810 he met Josephine Brunsvik, already widowed from Count Deym and mother of four. Their marriage, celebrated the same year, was welcomed by both families: a “suitable” union that promised Josephine renewed social stability and offered Stackelberg a stronger position in Viennese and Hungarian society. Reality, however, proved very different.

Often absent due to travels and appointments, Stackelberg soon revealed an unsettled character and little inclination toward family responsibilities. His relationship with Josephine’s children was strained, and the couple’s financial situation deteriorated rapidly. Letters and diaries by Therese Brunsvik describe growing tensions, misunderstandings, and an emotional estrangement that became irreversible.

In 1813, Minona was born — the most enigmatic child of the Brunsvik family. Stackelberg never recognized her as his own, and shortly thereafter abandoned Josephine entirely, relinquishing any role in the household. The separation left Josephine in a state of material and emotional fragility, while Therese assumed responsibility for the children.

After leaving the family, Stackelberg continued his career through various administrative posts and travels in Eastern Europe. He died in 1841, far from the Brunsvik circle — an elegant yet elusive figure, more spectator than protagonist, but nonetheless decisive in shaping Josephine’s fate and the still‑debated story of Minona’s birth.

Therese Brunsvik and the Birth of Minona

In her memoir Mein halbes Jahrhundert, Therese von Brunsvik declared not only that she was the “godmother” of the child, but wrote quite literally: “Das Kind wurde mir förmlich geschenkt” (“the child was literally given to me”). The reason for this statement is clear: since Josephine was not yet legally divorced, Therese wished to prevent Count Christoph von Stackelberg from claiming any rights over this child of love. She also wanted to protect the newborn from the constant conflicts between Josephine and her husband, quarrels that had already deeply affected the other children.

Josephine never kept the secret from her sister. Therese was informed of the pregnancy from the very beginning. In her diary entry of 22 September 1812, she wrote:

“Josephines Kind will ich nicht als das meinige ansehen, sondern es für seine Eltern mit der größten Verleugnung und wie es Pflicht ist, erziehen…” (“Josephine’s child will not be as if it were my own, but I shall raise her for her parents, with the greatest self-denial, as duty requires…”)

As for von Stackelberg, he respected a tacit agreement to stay away from his wife. Therese later noted in her diary: “Wir sahen ihn sechs Monate nicht” (“We did not see him for six months”).

Yet on 4 December 1812, without warning, the count returned briefly to Vienna. His attitude toward Josephine remained unchanged: cold, distant, and devoid of any marital relationship.

Josephine’s Flight and the Birth of Her Child

Josephine, pregnant during this turbulent period, made a drastic decision: as Therese recounts, she “packed clothes and linen and decided to leave the house.” It is unclear whether von Stackelberg remained in Vienna in the following months; however, on 20 March 1813 — shortly before the birth — he drafted a new marital contract. Its final sentence was stark:

“Du bist frey – wie Du selbst mit Dir rechnen willst.” (“You are free — but you must rely solely on yourself.”)

A few days later, Stackelberg apparently left Vienna for good. No one in the Brunsvik household knew where he had gone. He considered himself so far removed from his family obligations that he no longer fulfilled even his duties toward his two elder children, nor did he assist his wife, who was close to giving birth.

On 9 April 1813, Josephine’s presumed natural daughter by Beethoven was born. She was given the name Maria Theresia Minona Selma Arria Cornelia. The name “Minona,” taken from Goethe’s Werther, is unusual; even more striking is its anagram, “Anonim,” suggesting a deliberately concealed identity.

Mystery Within Mystery

Anyone who speculates about Beethoven’s possible paternity can only add mystery to mystery. It must be remembered that the child was born in absolute secrecy, and that only Therese von Brunsvik stood by Josephine during those sorrowful hours.

At the beginning of 1814, Christoph von Stackelberg suddenly returned to Vienna and immediately went to the police to denounce his wife, alleging a “danger to the morality of their children.” His likely intention was to force Josephine to follow him to Estonia. She refused, choosing to remain in Vienna. The authorities, believing his accusations, entrusted the couple’s three daughters to Stackelberg.

Josephine’s Collapse

It is undeniable that the severe nervous breakdown that struck Josephine was directly linked to these painful events. With a broken and powerless heart, she watched as Stackelberg took away her three young daughters. She might have wished to fight for them, but she no longer had the physical or emotional strength to resist.

While Therese cared for the children from Josephine’s first marriage to Count Joseph Deym at the Deym castle in Hacking Zinzendorf, Josephine remained in the Deym residence in Vienna, ill and devastated. In this state of profound sorrow and isolation, she refused to see anyone — not even Beethoven, one of the dearest presences in her life.

Josephine’s Death and Minona’s Fate

This tragedy shattered Josephine completely. Her suffering was indescribable, and already weakened by grief for her daughters, she died on 31 March 1821 at the age of forty‑two, officially of “exhaustion.” At that very time Beethoven was suffering from a severe attack of jaundice that brought him close to death; all work on the symphony that would become the Ninth was halted. While little Minona found refuge with her aunt Therese at the Hacking‑Hütteldorf estate, the composer entered a period marked by worsening health and the painful legal struggle over his nephew Karl — a conflict that began in 1817 and culminated in the boy’s suicide attempt in 1826.

Taken to Estonia at eighteen months, Minona saw her mother again only years later, when she was brought to Josephine’s bedside as her condition deteriorated rapidly. She was six years old when Stackelberg returned her and her siblings, Theophile and Maria Laura, to Vienna. They had barely fulfilled their filial duties before their father forced them all back to Estonia.

When Therese saw Minona again — now six years old — she immediately noticed how unlike she was to the other children Josephine had had with Stackelberg. She could not fail to see it: Minona was, after all, her “secret.” Therese wrote in her diary:

“Merkwürdig hatte sich das Kind entwickelt. Ohne schön zu sein, war sie stark und imponierte dermaßen ihren älteren Schwestern, daß wir sie immer die Gouvernante nannten. Es zeigte sich auch später, daß sie das meiste Genie unter den Schwestern hatte.” (“The child had developed in a remarkable way. Though not beautiful, she was strong and impressed her older sisters so much that we always called her the Governess. It later became clear that she had the greatest talent among the sisters.”)

Minona, Music, and the Unspoken Secret

Minona lived for some time in Tallinn, where she studied music. She became an excellent pianist and also studied composition; many of her works were published during her lifetime.

It is said that Therese von Brunsvik eventually confided the truth of the story to a nephew — long after Beethoven’s death. The nephew later reported that in 1870 Minona appealed in vain to a distant relative of her mother’s family, asking him to hand over the correspondence between Josephine and Beethoven.

Author’s Note

I have been able to locate only two works attributed to a “Mlle. Stackelberg.” A more thorough investigation is needed to determine the true extent of Minona von Stackelberg’s musical output.

The two surviving Ecossaises are conventional pieces. The first, for solo piano in E‑flat major, is a lively, typical example of the genre. The second, in the unusual key of B‑flat minor, also bears the title Ecossaise and was published by Kühnel in Leipzig. It appears, however, to have been arranged by Friedrich Heinrich Himmel (1765–1814).

Thus, although attributed to a “Mlle. Stackelberg,” this work cannot be by Minona, born in 1813 — unless one assumes an extraordinarily precocious genius.

The Lost Letters and Minona’s Legacy

The letters Minona sought throughout her life remain untraceable. They seem to lie buried in a vast family archive, only recently made partially accessible to scholars. Lacking direct documents, Minona had to rely on vague recollections and on her aunt Therese’s diary when trying to uncover her origins.

From the few portraits and rare photographs that survive, Minona appears as a strong‑willed woman, bearing — especially in old age — a striking resemblance to the master from Bonn. Like her presumed father, she lived her entire life alone. The same fate befell her Deym half‑sisters Victoire and Sophie, and her Stackelberg half‑siblings Theophile and Laura Marie.

After the death of her stepfather in 1841, Minona returned to Vienna, settling in the still‑standing Palais Cavriani in the former Oberen Bräunergasse, now Habsburgergasse No. 5. She formed a close friendship with the owner, Count Luigi Cavriani (1758–1839), and his wife, both passionate music lovers, as were the Count and Countess de Bánffy, their intimate friends.

Minona’s proud temperament — perhaps inherited from her illustrious parent — manifested itself throughout her life. When the family’s financial situation later became precarious, she would often say:

“Das bin ich meiner Herkunft schuldig!” (“My only fault is what I have inherited.”)

The protagonists of this story, reinterpreted with the help of AI

The protagonists of this story, reinterpreted with the help of artificial intelligence, are not meant to replace history, but simply to bring these figures closer to us.


Stackelberg Minona von (1813-1897)


Brunswick Thérèse (1775-1861)


Brunswick Josephine e Charlotte (1782-1843)


Brunswick Josephine (1779-1821)


Stackelberg Adam Christoph Freiherr von (1777-1841)

Further information

Bibliography

  • Beahrs, Virginia (1986): “The Immortal Beloved Revisited.” The Beethoven Newsletter 1/2 (Summer), pp. 22–24.
  • Beahrs, Virginia Oakley (1988): “The Immortal Beloved Riddle Reconsidered.” Musical Times, Vol. 129, No. 1740 (Feb.), pp. 64–70.
  • Beahrs, Virginia (1993): “Beethoven’s Only Beloved? New Perspectives on the Love Story of the Great Composer.” Music Review 54, no. 3/4, pp. 183–197.
  • Brandenburg, Sieghard (1996, ed.): Ludwig van Beethoven: Briefwechsel. Gesamtausgabe. 8 vols. Munich: Henle.
  • Czeke, Marianne (1938): Brunszvik Teréz grófnő naplói és feljegyzései, vol. 1. [Countess Therese Brunsvik’s Diaries and Notes.] Budapest.
  • Dahlhaus, Carl (1991): Ludwig van Beethoven: Approaches to his Music. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  • Goldschmidt, Harry (1977): Um die Unsterbliche Geliebte. Ein Beethoven-Buch. Leipzig: Deutscher Verlag für Musik.
  • Kaznelson, Siegmund (1954): Beethovens Ferne und Unsterbliche Geliebte. Zürich: Standard.
  • La Mara (Ida Marie Lipsius) (1909): Beethovens Unsterbliche Geliebte. Das Geheimnis der Gräfin Brunsvik und ihre Memoiren. Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel.
  • La Mara (1920): Beethoven und die Brunsviks. Nach Familienpapieren aus Therese Brunsviks Nachlaß. Leipzig: Siegel.
  • Massin, Jean & Brigitte (1970): Recherche de Beethoven. Paris: Fayard.
  • Schmidt-Görg, Joseph (1957, ed.): Beethoven: Dreizehn unbekannte Briefe an Josephine Gräfin Deym geb. v. Brunsvik. Bonn: Beethoven-Haus.
  • Skwara, Dagmar / Steblin, Rita (2007): “Ein Brief Christoph Freiherr von Stackelbergs an Josephine Brunsvik-Deym-Stackelberg.” Bonner Beethoven-Studien, vol. 6, pp. 181–187.
  • Solomon, Maynard (2005, ed.): Beethovens Tagebuch 1812–1818. Bonn: Beethoven-Haus.
  • Steblin, Rita (2002): “Josephine Gräfin Brunswick-Deyms Geheimnis enthüllt: Neue Ergebnisse zu ihrer Beziehung zu Beethoven.” Österreichische Musikzeitschrift 57/6 (June), pp. 23–31.
  • Steblin, Rita (2002): A History of Key Characteristics in the 18th and Early 19th Centuries. 2nd ed. University of Rochester Press.
  • Steblin, Rita (2007): “‘Auf diese Art mit A geht alles zugrunde.’” Bonner Beethoven-Studien, vol. 6, pp. 147–180.
  • Steblin, Rita (2009): “Beethovens ‘Unsterbliche Geliebte’: des Rätsels Lösung.” Österreichische Musikzeitschrift 64/2, pp. 4–17.
  • Tellenbach, Marie-Elisabeth (1983): Beethoven und seine ‘Unsterbliche Geliebte’ Josephine Brunswick. Ihr Schicksal und der Einfluß auf Beethovens Werk. Zürich: Atlantis.
  • Tellenbach, Marie-Elisabeth (1987): “Beethoven and the Countess Josephine Brunswick.” The Beethoven Newsletter 2/3, pp. 41–51.
  • Tellenbach, Marie-Elisabeth (1988): “Künstler und Ständegesellschaft um 1800: die Rolle der Vormundschaftsgesetze in Beethovens Beziehung zu Josephine Gräfin Deym.” Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 2/2, pp. 253–263.
  • Tellenbach, Marie-Elisabeth (1992): “Beethovens Schülerin Josephine Brunswick, oder warum seine ‘Unsterbliche Geliebte’ ihn nicht geheiratet hat.” In: Hoffmann, Freia & Rieger, Eva (eds.): Von der Spielfrau zur Performance-Künstlerin: Auf der Suche nach einer Musikgeschichte der Frauen. Kassel: Furore, pp. 61–75.
  • Tellenbach, Marie-Elisabeth (1993/1994): “Psychoanalysis and the Historiocritical Method: On Maynard Solomon’s Image of Beethoven.” The Beethoven Newsletter 8/3, pp. 84–92; 9/3, pp. 119–127.
  • Tellenbach, Marie-Elisabeth (1996): “Noch eine Geliebte Beethovens gefunden – oder erfunden?” Musica Germany 50/2, pp. 78–83.
  • Tellenbach, Marie-Elisabeth (1998): “Psychoanalyse und historisch-philologische Methode. Zu Maynard Solomons Beethoven- und Schubert-Deutungen.” Analecta Musicologica 30/II, pp. 661–719.
  • Tellenbach, Marie-Elisabeth (1999): “Die Bedeutung des Adler-Gleichnisses in Beethovens Brief an Therese Gräfin Brunswick.” Die Musikforschung.

The Masters of Ludwig van Beethoven and the Figure of Composer Andrea Lucchesi

The masters of Ludwig van Beethoven and the figure of the composer Andrea Lucchesi

Article by Dr. Santi Notaro
The texts and documents on this page have been edited by Dr. Santi Notaro, a graduate in law from the University of Florence and a former magistrate, a lover and scholar of music and its history, regarding the great musicians of the early Vienna school (above all, Beethoven).

Ludwig van Beethoven[1] had a few genuine teachers who introduced him to the study of the piano, musical composition and counterpoint, and who encouraged him in publishing his earliest youthful works. These teachers succeeded one another both during his years in Bonn and after the young musician moved to Vienna, the city where he remained until his death.

However, discussing who might have been the young Beethoven’s first true teacher inevitably leads to consideration of the question (raised by some scholars) of the role played in this regard by the Italian musician Andrea Luchesi,[2] Kapellmeister of the Electoral Chapel of Bonn–Cologne at the time when the young Ludwig was a member of it.[3]

Most musicologists have regarded this Italian musician as having had little influence on the artistic formation of our composer, who instead would have been a pupil of his deputy, Christian Gottlob Neefe.[4] Others, however, have identified him as Beethoven’s true first teacher during the years when the young musician was active in Bonn.[5]

As will be seen, however, at present such a thesis appears to be based on mere suppositions, without adequate documentation to support it. The available documentation, by contrast, supports the majority view.

As for the facts (which are fairly well documented), it should be noted that:

– Andrea Luchesi was invited to Bonn by the then Elector Maximilian Friedrich von Königsegg-Rothenfels in 1771;

– by decree of the Elector dated 26 May 1774 he was appointed Kapellmeister, taking up the post on the following day, 27 May[6], a position he held almost uninterruptedly[7] until October 1794, when the Court (together with its Chapel) was dissolved by Napoleon Bonaparte;

– the young Ludwig van Beethoven entered the orchestra of the Bonn Court Chapel, as noted above, in June 1782,[8] initially as a violist and assistant organist without remuneration; later, in June 1784, also as harpsichordist, assisting and supporting Christian Gottlob Neefe in accompanying the works required by the Chapel,[9] with an annual salary of 150 florins[10];

– Beethoven remained in the service of the Prince in the Chapel until October 1792, when he left for Vienna, where he settled permanently, living exclusively from the proceeds of his art as a freelance artist.


The theses of the revisionists are essentially based on the following arguments:

  1. when Beethoven joined the orchestra of the Chapel, it was directed by Andrea Luchesi[11];
  2. Lucchesi’s task as Kapellmeister was to lead “the Chapel from an artistic and pedagogical point of view” and to define “the roles and responsibilities of its musicians”[12];
  3. it was “difficult to imagine that, faced with a talented pupil, the Kapellmeister would have taken no interest in his training”[13];
  4. as reported by a cellist of the Chapel, one Bernhard Joseph Maeurer, an early youthful work by Ludwig van Beethoven (the cantata on the death of the English minister George Cressner from 1781) would have been corrected by Andrea Luchesi and, at his request, performed in the Court Chapel[14];
  5. the alleged attempt to obscure the figure of an Italian musician would have been the work of German musicology, which could not accept that Lucchesi (an Italian) might have played such an important role, both as the author of works today attributed to Joseph Haydn and Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, and as the teacher of the great Ludwig van Beethoven[15];
  6. “the claim that Christian Gottlob Neefe was Beethoven’s teacher in Bonn was historically promoted by Neefe himself”; therefore the “sources on which historians have relied are the self-celebratory articles written by Neefe”[16]. And even though it is not known how reliable he was, “the fact remains that he himself proclaims himself Beethoven’s teacher, albeit citing a letter from Ludwig for which no trace exists in other sources”[17];
  7. “in 1785 Andrea Luchesi entrusted Ludwig van Beethoven with performing the solo parts of harpsichord concertos and assigned Christian Gottlob Neefe the accompaniment”[18];
  8. Beethoven never spoke of this musician as his teacher in his youth, “because Lucchesi had been the bête noire of his family in Bonn. In fact, Lucchesi had already displaced the old Kapellmeister Ludwig van Beethoven the Elder as early as 1771 and was then preferred to the tenor Johann van Beethoven in 1774…”[19];
  9. probably the 264 conversation notebooks destroyed by Anton Schindler would have clarified something important on this matter.[20]


Christian Gottlob Neefe


Maximilian Friedrich von Königsegg-Rothenfels

To the arguments advanced in support of the alleged role of Andrea Luchesi, the following objections may be raised. The fact that he was Kapellmeister of the musical Chapel of Bonn for about twenty years, and that the young Ludwig van Beethoven served there as a musician, does not in itself mean that he was Beethoven’s first and true teacher.

Indeed, the musical Chapel, as it was conceived at the time, was a structure (linked to the nobility, the municipality, or the Church) organised and intended for the performance of music at the request of its patron and on specific occasions or celebrations.[21]

Within this organised structure there was, at the highest level, the Kapellmeister, who directed the group of singers and instrumentalists of the Chapel[22] and was responsible for its proper functioning. This meant that he determined the repertoire to be performed there from time to time; that he oversaw the artistic preparation and organisation of the performers; and that he composed works for the Chapel (or obtained copies of compositions from other chapels).[23]

Therefore, the principal task of the Kapellmeister was to be responsible for a musical production, and his conducting and organisational activity took place exclusively in the interests of that institution.

If this was the Kapellmeister’s role, it is quite evident that the presence of Andrea Luchesi in such a capacity could have influenced Ludwig van Beethoven through the type of music and the musical atmosphere that, so to speak, was “in the air” within that Chapel. In other words, it was one thing to be part of the so-called “musical workshop” headed by Luchesi, who determined which works were to be performed and how they should be executed; it was quite another to study and be regularly guided by a teacher who would place the appropriate tools in the hands of an individual pupil.

The assertion referred to in point 3), moreover, is based on mere conjecture, considering that there were several talented young musicians within the Chapel’s staff, and there is no evidence that they were personally supervised in their studies by Luchesi.[24]

As for the claim in point 4)—namely that Luchesi corrected a cantata composed by the young Ludwig van Beethoven—this may simply have been because the work was performed within the activities of the Chapel. It therefore seems natural that its Kapellmeister, responsible for the works performed there, should have felt the need to revise it, given that it was the work of a very young composer (Beethoven had written it in 1781, when he was eleven). But this single episode cannot in any way prove that he studied with Luchesi.[25]

Nor is the thesis convincing that German musicology deliberately sought to obscure the figure of an Italian musician (and, moreover, a supposed teacher of Beethoven). First of all, the hypothesis of a supposed hostility towards Italian musicians collapses if one recalls that, at the time, Italian musicians were in fact highly esteemed and frequently held important posts at European courts.[26]

As for the alleged hostility of Ludwig van Beethoven towards Luchesi because he was Italian, one should remember that the composer himself studied with the Italian Antonio Salieri. Not only did he never speak ill of him, but he even dedicated to him—out of friendship and esteem—the three sonatas for violin and piano, Op. 12, and composed ten piano variations on an aria from Salieri’s Falstaff. All this also served to demonstrate Salieri’s innocence regarding the rumour that he had supposedly poisoned Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart.


Anche la considerazione (punto 7) di affidare a Beethoven il compito di eseguire le parti solistiche nei concerti di cembalo, insieme a Neefe, rientrava precisamente nelle mansioni di un kapellmeister il quale, come visto, doveva organizzare l’orchestra di corte in vista della esecuzione di lavori e, quindi, definire i ruoli e curare le competenze dei musicisti.[27]

Ma questo non è elemento di prova circa l’esistenza di un rapporto diretto allievo-maestro.

The argument mentioned in point 7)—namely entrusting Beethoven with the task of performing the solo parts in harpsichord concertos together with Christian Gottlob Neefe—also falls precisely within the duties of a Kapellmeister who, as noted, had to organise the court orchestra for the performance of works and therefore assign roles and supervise the musicians’ responsibilities.[27]

But this does not constitute proof of the existence of a direct teacher–pupil relationship.

The claim that Ludwig van Beethoven never spoke of Andrea Luchesi as his teacher (point 8), because Luchesi would have been the bête noire of his family, appears to have no supporting evidence whatsoever, not even indirect indications.

As regards Beethoven’s grandfather, Ludwig van Beethoven the Elder, he had been appointed Kapellmeister in Bonn about a decade earlier in place of another Kapellmeister[28], and he died on 24 December 1773. Luchesi, by contrast, had been hired on a trial basis with a three-year contract in 1771; after the death of Ludwig senior, the Elector Maximilian Friedrich von Königsegg-Rothenfels appointed him Kapellmeister in May 1774, precisely to replace the late Ludwig senior, and he remained in that position until October 1794.

As for Beethoven’s father, the Court tenor Johann van Beethoven, it is well established that his voice was in poor condition (almost certainly due to drinking), so much so that by the end of 1772 he had been removed from the active ranks of the Chapel and employed solely as a teacher.[29] In this case as well, therefore, there is no connection with Luchesi’s appointment, which simply followed—entirely properly—the death of Beethoven’s grandfather in 1774.

Likewise, the assertion (point 9) that, had Anton Schindler not destroyed Beethoven’s approximately 264 conversation notebooks, they would “probably” have clarified something about the present question, is merely a conjecture without any evidentiary value.[30]

Further considerations should also be added. It was precisely Christian Gottlob Neefe who, evidently not considering his pupil’s musical education complete, asked the Elector that Beethoven be sent to Vienna to study with Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart—which indeed took place in April 1787.[31]

It is documented that on 2 November 1792[32] Ludwig van Beethoven left Bonn and its Court Chapel for good in order to study with Joseph Haydn; from that moment his presence in Vienna became permanent until his death on 26 March 1827. This demonstrates not only the marginal nature of any possible influence that Andrea Luchesi may have had on Beethoven’s musical knowledge, but also the insufficiency of such influence (as already noted, Luchesi remained Kapellmeister in Bonn until 1794) if Beethoven felt the need to go to Vienna to study with the great masters of the age.[33]

Nor should it be forgotten that Christian Gottlob Neefe was not, so to speak, an insignificant figure. He was a pianist, conductor and composer, and a musician of Bachian lineage.[34] It is true that Beethoven’s friend Gerhard von Breuning Wegeler, in his memoirs published more than a decade after Beethoven’s death, stated that Neefe had influenced “only modestly the musical education of our Ludwig.”[35] Yet he also added that Beethoven “complained of the criticisms that he expressed, with excessive severity, regarding his first attempts at composition.” This indirectly suggests that Neefe did in fact guide Beethoven and did not hesitate to criticise him when he took his first steps in composition.

To conclude on this point, a general consideration may summarise and clarify what has been said so far: namely, what should be meant by the term “teacher.”

In common terminology, a teacher is someone who instructs in an art or discipline (in our case, music). Teaching consists in transmitting elements of that discipline with method and continuity. Moreover, the teacher–pupil relationship is highly personal: it must consider the pupil’s personality, character, abilities, and level of learning and development, in order to guide their specific education and progress. It was precisely the presence of these elements that characterised the relationship between Neefe and the young Ludwig van Beethoven. For this reason, Neefe alone can rightly be regarded (as recognised by the most authoritative Italian and international historiography) as the first true teacher of the young Ludwig.

Indeed, it was he who, recognising the aptitude and abilities of his pupil, provided him with the technical tools of the craft necessary to progress in musical science[36]; he encouraged him (but also reproached him when necessary) in his studies, to the point of arranging the publication of his first compositions; and, no less importantly, he shaped him morally and intellectually as a complete artist. He introduced him to the Enlightenment principles of the time, helping him to understand the importance of the ideals of freedom, brotherhood, and solidarity among men[37], and instilling in him the concept of art as a mission.[38]

Such teaching was not provided by Andrea Luchesi, since his role as Kapellmeister, for which he had been called to Bonn, had objectives different from that of establishing a true teacher–pupil relationship—still less that of shaping the young Beethoven spiritually through the teaching of the Enlightenment ideals circulating in Bonn at the time. These ideals evidently did not interest the musician from Motta di Livenza, who does not appear to have belonged to the circle of Enlightenment thinkers in the city, whereas Neefe certainly did.

In short, the theses favourable to Luchesi rely on expressions such as “it is more probable”; “another consideration is also possible”; “it is difficult to imagine that, faced with a talented pupil, the Kapellmeister would have taken no interest in his training”; “…which presupposes, however…”[39]—that is, on mere indications and suppositions.

What contradicts the revisionist theses, however, as noted above, is the existence of unquestionable documentary evidence.[40]

  • First, the report by Carl Friedrich Cramer in a correspondence from Bonn dated 2 March 1783, published in the journal Magazin der Musik,[41] which stated verbatim: “Ludwig van Beethoven is a boy of eleven years[42] with very promising talent. He plays the piano with great skill and power, reads very well at sight and, in short, he plays for the most part Bach’s Well-Tempered Clavier, which Mr Neefe has placed in his hands… Mr Neefe has also introduced him to thoroughbass. He is now giving him lessons in composition and, to encourage him, has had nine of his piano variations on a march theme engraved in Mannheim.[43] This young genius deserves support so that he may travel. He would certainly become a second Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart if he continues to progress at this rate.”[44]

  • The reference in another newspaper—the Litteratur und Theaterzeitung[45]—which reported a comment on the amateur musicians of Bonn and, among them, the young Beethoven, “who is making giant strides under his teacher Neefe.”


Magazin der Musik published in Hamburg by Carl Friedrich Cramer, 1783. Figures 1 to 5. (original document property of the Centro Ricerche Musicali Beethoveniane)

  • Furthermore: the Historisch-biographisches Lexicon der Tonkünstler[46], one of the most important music dictionaries, where in Volume I, pp. 156–157, Beethoven is listed as “son of the Court tenor of Bonn, born 1772[47], and pupil of Neefe.”
  • Also: the Berlinische musikalische Zeitung, which in 1793 published an article by Neefe referring to Beethoven as “second Court organist and has gone to Vienna at the expense of our Elector to study with Haydn, to improve his abilities.”[48]
  • Finally: a fragment of a letter from Beethoven to Neefe, in which he wrote:
  • “I thank you for all the advice you have generously given me so that I may advance in my divine art. If one day I become a great man, it will also be thanks to you, which will give you even more pleasure, as you can be sure of it.”[49]
  • This is extensive documentation, which directly contradicts the objections raised by the “revisionists,” who considered the statements attributed to Neefe as “self-praising.”
  • Indeed, regarding the alleged “self-promotion” of Neefe as a teacher, these statements do not appear at all to be casual remarks merely indicating that the young Beethoven was his pupil. They are concise accounts highlighting Beethoven’s abilities, progress, and early works (worthy of publication) and provide incontrovertible evidence of a structured course of study. Such observations could only have been made by a teacher who personally guided the young pupil.
  • Moreover, these statements were published in contemporary newspapers or specialised journals, accessible to the public. Circulating inaccurate or false information would have benefited neither Neefe nor the reputation of the Chapel, which was headed by Luchesi. It is particularly striking that, being publicly available, no one ever contradicted or even qualified these statements, starting with the directly concerned parties: Luchesi foremost, and Beethoven.
  • In fact, no direct or indirect citations from Beethoven have come down to us that recall Luchesi as one of his teachers.
  • Arguing otherwise would imply that Neefe orchestrated a false campaign against both Luchesi and Beethoven—a claim for which there is no evidence in the historical record.
  • Conversely, the fact that neither Luchesi, nor Beethoven, nor anyone else ever disputed the published accounts demonstrates the opposite: that it was precisely Luchesi who entrusted the young Beethoven to his deputy, Neefe, to oversee his comprehensive musical education.[50]
  • No conspiracy, therefore, against a respected Italian musician, but rather matters of normal organisational practice within the complex operations of a musical chapel, where a Kapellmeister’s duties naturally included delegating certain responsibilities to his collaborators.[51]


Litteratur- und Theaterzeitung, No. 34, dated August 23, 1783. Figures 6 and 7. and Magazin der Musik published in Hamburg edited by Carl Friedrich Cramer, 1787. Figure 8 (original document owned by the Beethoven Music Research Center)

Even the other revisionist theses—albeit in the commendable spirit of seeking the truth—do not appear, after all, to assert historically verified facts, limiting themselves to general observations.

In fact, the first tentative approaches on the subject came from the Italian musicologist Fausto Torrefranca,[52] who wrote: “Let us not forget that in Bonn there was an Italian musician, Luchesi… and… given the falsity of the historical approach followed so far, it is very probable that the true spiritual teachers of the childhood and youth of the great Flemish-German master [Beethoven] have not been properly investigated.”

With greater assertiveness, the German musicologist Theodor Anton Henseler[53] described Luchesi as “the most important exponent of the music at the court of the Prince of Bonn,” highlighting “his activity… and the influence that, through example and works—in opera, concert, and church—he had on the artistic development of the young Beethoven, who for many years served under him in the orchestra.”

Following Henseler, the musicologist Claudia Valder Knechtges[54] argued that Luchesi’s music contributed to Beethoven’s assimilation of those Italian achievements encountered by Christian Bach and Mozart in Italy.[55]

As can be seen, these studies speak, at most, of “influences” of Luchesi’s work that were “assimilated” by the young Beethoven; but from this to claiming that the Italian musician was his first true teacher is a completely different matter. One need only consider that any artist, in any field, certainly absorbs influences from others, which may be detectable in their own works. But this does not make those influencers their teachers or establish a teacher–pupil relationship.

Finally, other scholars[56] have also raised the question of Luchesi’s primacy as a teacher, yet there is no evidence that, beyond general statements, they provided certain or at least well-founded proof.[57]

It has rightly been observed[58]: “But was Luchesi truly the teacher of the titan’s youth? If the evidence exists, why has it not been sought or verified? If it does not exist, it is useless to insist on deductions: history is not written on the wings of angels.”

Undoubtedly, seeking the truth is a commendable endeavour. Yet to assert it convincingly, it must be based on reliable evidence and verifiable facts.

The masters of Ludwig van Beethoven and the figure of the composer Andrea Lucchesi.

Original Article disponible on “Flowpaper”

Notes from The masters of Ludwig van Beethoven and the figure of the composer Andrea Lucchesi.

Article by Dr. Santi Notaro

[1]) Unlike Mozart, whose first and only teacher was his father Leopold and whose artistic training was completed with the study of the works of the great musicians of the past and with contact with those of his time, whose characteristic features he was able to assimilate thanks to his prodigious memory: cf. Carli Ballola and Parenti-Mozart-Rusconi 1996 – pp. 13 ff; S. Durante- Mozart- Il Mulino 1991- pp. 30 ff; B. Paumgartner- Mozart- Einaudi 1978-pp. 21 ff.

2]) Andrea Lucchesi (or Luchesi), Italian composer (born in Motta di Livenza -Treviso- 23/V/1741 died in Bonn on 21/3/1801). He was active in Venice as a harpsichord master. He moved to Bonn shortly thereafter and, in 1774, was appointed Kapellmeister at the court of the Elector of Cologne, succeeding Beethoven’s grandfather. He remained in office until 1794.

He composed several theatrical works, some oratorios, over 30 Masses, 2 Requiems, 2 Te Deum, 19 Hymns, Vespers, Motets and other liturgical works; 8 Symphonies, a Concerto for harpsichord and orchestra, Sonatas for harpsichord (cf. Dictionary of Music and Musicians- UTET- 1986- vol. IV- pag. 511).

[3]) Beethoven was hired by Elector Maximilian Friedrich at the age of ten as a violist and in June 1782 was officially appointed court organist. He also played the harpsichord and was also in charge of supporting and replacing Neefe when he was absent.

At first, young musicians received no salary and had to pass a trial period. Then they put a question to the Prince Elector, receiving an answer. However, the death of Maximilian Friedrich, which occurred in April 1784, delayed the examination of Beethoven’s petition and only by decree of June 25, 1784 did his successor, Elector Maximilian Franz, grant him a salary of 150 fl per year. (cf. Piero Buscaroli- BEETHOVEN- Rizzoli- 2004-pag. 107 and Jan Caeyers- BEETHOVEN- Portrait of a genius- Mondadori 2020- pag. 47). Maximilian Franz officially took office as Elector on 5 August 1784 (cf. Caeyers op. cit. cit. p. 51).

[4]) [1]) Cf. among the various studies: Maynard Solomon – Beethoven-music-myth-psychoanalysis-utopia-Einaudi-1998 (see pp. 47); Id: Beethoven- La vita, l’opera, il romanzo familiare- Marsilio Editori- 1988. pag. 35); Id: The last Beethoven- music, thought, imagination- Carocci editore- 2010- pages 112- 160;

Walter Riezler –Beethoven- Rusconi- 1977- pp. 52- 53-54; Id: Beethoven essays – Edizioni Ghibli 2014 – on pp. 24-25;

H.C. Robbins Landon- Beethoven- His life and his world in documents and images of the period- Rusconi- 1997- p.32;.

Klaus Kropfinger- Beethoven- Ricordi Lim- 2006 – pp. 105-107-110-113;

Piero Buscaroli- BEETHOVEN- Rizzoli- 2004- pag. 91;

Jan Caeyers- BEETHOVEN- Portrait of a genius- Mondadori 2020- pp. 39- 41- 42-43-44- 581 note 4 chap.IV.

Giorgio Pestelli- BEEHOVEN- Il Mulino – 1988- pag. 86 and note 8); Id-History of Music- The Age of Mozart and Beethoven- EDT-2018 pp. 30 and 234;.

Alfredo Casella- Beethoven Intimo- Sansoni 1981- pag. 3;

Luigi Della Croce- Ludwig van Beethoven- The Nine Symphonies and Other Works for Orchestra- Edizioni Studio Tesi- 1990- pp. 32-34;

Sieghard Brandenburg- edited by- Luigi Della Croce- translation by- Accademia nazionale di Santa Cecilia- Ludwig van Beethoven Epistolario- SKIRA- 1999- vol. 1 pag. 98 note 1 and p. 106, note 1);

Harvey Sachs- Beethoven’s Ninth- Garzanti- 2011- pp. 52-53-54;

Lewis Lockwood- Beethoven’s Symphonies- An Artistic Vision- EDT- 2016- pag. 20;

Accademia Nazionale di Santa Cecilia- van Beethoven- Le sinfonie e i concerti per pianoforte- edited by Annalisa Bini and Roberto Grisley- Skira-2001- pag. 314;

Fabrizio Della Seta- Beethoven: Sinfonia Eroica- Carocci editore- 2019- page 48;

Piero Rattalino- Le sonate per pianoforte di Beethoven- Guida all’ascolto- Il lavoro editoriale- 1989-  page 27;

Quirino Principe- I quartetti per archi di Beethoven- Jaca Book- 2014- pag. 31-32; Id: Collana i Grandi della Musica- La vita e le opere- Beethoven- Supplement to the Corriere della Sera of 6 August 1991 – handout 3 – pag. 5;

Il romanzo della musica- Beethoven e il suo tempo- supplemento di Repubblica n. 124 del 27/5/1987- Interview with Roman Vlad by Corrado Augias – page 8;

Gaspare Scuderi- Beethoven- Le sonate per pianoforte- franco muzzio & c. editore- 1985-  page 20;

De Seyfried- Notizie biografiche su Luigi van Beethoven- in Studi di Beethoven ossia Trattato d’Armonia e di Composizione- Arnaldo Forni Editore-. Anastatic reprint of Milan 1855- with notes by Fetis and Rossi- vol. I- pag. 12;

Benedetta Saglietti- Beethoven, ritratti e immagini- EDT- 2010- pagg 1-2 e nota 6;

  1. Wegeler e F. Ries- Beethoven Appunti biografici dal vivo- a cura di Artemio Focher- Moretti & Vitali- 2002- page 29;

Giorgio Sanguinetti- Le Sonate per pianoforte di Beethoven- vol. 1- Libreria musicale italiana- 2020-page 84;

Alberto Basso- Storia della musica dalle origini al XIX secolo- UTET-2006- vol 2 pag. 845 e 930; Id: Dizionario Enciclopedico Universale della Musica e dei Musicisti- Le biografie- UTET-1988-  vol. V  page 339; Id: La Musica- Enciclopedia Storica- vol I- UTET- 1966- pages 395-396;

Della Corte- G. Pannain- Storia della Musica- UTET-1964- vol. 2- pag. 485;

Giovanni Carli Ballola- BEETHOVEN- Sansoni Accademia- 2^ edition- pages 15-16-17;

Franco Abbiati- Storia della musica- Garzanti 1967- volume secondo- pag.666.

Giovanni Guanti- Invito all’ascolto di Beethoven- Mursia 1995- pagg. 42-43-44-45- 50 e 51.

[5]) The revisionist theses (on which we will discuss later: see pp. 16-17) were timidly advanced with a paper of 1930 by the Italian musicologist Fausto Torrefranca and then were headed by the German musicologist Theodor Anton Henseler and the musicologist Claudia Valder Knechtges who, between 1983 and 1990, published works that were in the wake of those published by Henseler.

On Lucchesi’s birthright, as Beethoven’s teacher, Giorgio Taboga, Agostino Taboga, Luigi Della Croce and, lastly, Riccardo Di Pasquale, Luca Bianchini and Anna Trombetta, Luca Chiatore also argue in some works.

[6]) The official position was conferred, in fact, by Elector Maximilian Friedrich (after Lucchesi had completed the three-year probationary period from 1771) and succeeded Beethoven’s grandfather, who had died on 24 December 1773, as kapellmeister.

Lucchesi arrived in Bonn with the first violin (Konzertmeister) Gaetano Mattioli. While Lucchesi was appointed kapellmeister, the latter assumed the position of kepelldirektor (cf. J. Caeyers op. cit. pp. 27 and 49), that is, the one who supervised the administrative and disciplinary activity of the Chapel, because Lucchesi wanted the administrative activity to be separated from the artistic activity of the kapellmeister, so that he could devote himself and supervise only to musical tasks.

Sotto gli italiani Lucchesi e Mattioli, la Cappella musicale di Bonn pare fosse diventata una delle migliori della Germania (cfr. J. Caeyers cit. pag 49).

Non la pensa proprio così Carlo Vitali in Andrea Luca Luchesi: “Cattivi maestri, pessimi allievi” nella rivista “musica del marzo 2018.

[7]) Salvo l’assenza di un anno (“dall’aprile del 1783 al maggio del 1784”): cfr. B. Saglietti- Beethoven, ritratti e immagini- Edt 2010- page 2.

On the dissolution of the Court and its Chapel: cf. Silvia Gaddini- Lucchesi Andrea – in Dizionario biografico degli italiani- vol. 66- Roma- Istituto enciclopedico italiano- 2006.

[8]) See footnote 3 above.

[9]) Cf. B. Saglietti, op.cit., pp. 1-2; F.G.Wegeler and F.Ries-Beethoven, BEETHOVEN APPUNTI BIOGRAFICI DAL VIVO, edited by A.Focher-Moretti & Vitali, 2002, cit., p.190, note 27; G.C.Ballola op. cit. p. 17.

Neefe, as organist, had replaced the elderly Aegidius van der Aeden (cf. Giovanni Carli Ballola- BEETHOVEN- Sansoni Accademia- 2^ edition- pag. 15; G. Taboga in an essay of 2004 commenting on the book -Beethoven- by P. Buscaroli).

[10]) Cf. J. Caeyers – op. cit. cit. p. 47.

It should be noted that in the calendar of the court of the Electorate of Cologne, for the year 1790, we read that in the role of organists there were: “Organists: Christian Neefe- Ludwig van Beethoven” (cf. F.G.Wegeler and F. Ries-Beethoven, appunti biografici dal vivo, edited by A. Focher-Moretti & Vitali, 2002, cit., pp. 50-51).

[11]) See on the Internet- Riccardo Di Pasquale- La Proprietà intellettuale nelle Cappelle musicali del ‘700. Il caso Luchesi- page 109.

[12]) Cf. Di Pasquale, op. cit., 109.

[13]) Cf. Di Pasquale, op. cit. cit. p. 109.

[14]) Cf.  Riccardo Di Pasquale op. cit. p.110.

[15]) Cf. Di Pasquale, op.cit. pp. 105 ff; L. Bianchini and A. Trombetta- Mozart The Fall of the Gods- Youcanprint Swelf-Publishing-2016.

In particular, the latter, in addition to arguing that A. Luchesi “the last Kapellmeister of Bonn… he was Beethoven’s true teacher until the latter’s departure for Vienna in 1792” (cf. op. cit. part two p. 448), hypothesize that the first classical school of Vienna “has nothing to do with musicological or historical research” and that it was used by Nazi propaganda (see part two p. 447).

[16]) Cf. Di Pasquale, op. cit. cit. p. 107.

[17]) Cf. Di Pasquale, op. cit. cit. p. 108.

[18]) Cf. Di Pasquale op. cit. cit. p. 110.

[19]) Cf. Di Pasquale op. cit. cit. pp. 110-111. In this sense also G. Taboga, in his 2004 review of the book “Beethoven” by Piero Buscaroli.

[20]) Cf. Di Pasquale, op. cit. cit. pp. 108-109-110.

[21]) Many nobles had their own personal musical chapel: think of the Esterhazy family where, as kapellmeister, F.J. Haydn worked there for a very long time; to the King of England George I, in whose service G.F. Handel worked; to various church institutions and municipalities at the service of which J.S. Bach worked.

[22]) As already mentioned, the Bonn Election was headed first by the Elector Maximilian Friedrich and then by his successor Maximilian Fanz. It was made up of several elements, including singers and instrumentalists (see below p. 15, note 51).

[23]) At the time, since there was no copyright, the works composed by the kapellmeister were anonymous – they did not bear the signature of the composer – and became the property of the chapel (and therefore of its owner) who could make use of them as he wished.

[24]) Among the talented young people were, in addition to Beethoven, also the hornist Nikolaus Simrock and the flutist Anton Reicha (cf. A. Zignani- Ludwig van Beethoven- a new interpretation of the life and the Works- Zecchini editore 2020- p. 14; J. Caeyers, op. cit. p. 71). The latter studied composition with Beethoven’s own teacher, namely with Neefe (see page 15 note 50 below).

[25]) Carlo Vitali also thinks in this sense in the article-interview “Cattivi maestri, pessimi allievi” pubblicato nella rivista “Musica” no. 294 of March 2018, cited above.

[26]) Suffice it to think of Lucchesi himself (called, as we have seen, to hold the position of kapellmeister at the court of Bonn), of musicians such as Antonio Salieri (a real musical authority, appointed court composer of the imperial family in Vienna), of Giuseppe Bonno (who was appointed master of the imperial chapel of Vienna), of Domenico Fischietti (of Neapolitan origin,  who obtained the appointment as Kapellmeister in Salzburg, in place of Leopold Mozart).

[27]) It should not be forgotten that when Beethoven joined the Bonn Choir, he still had some studies behind him, albeit discontinuous and somewhat approximate, carried out under the guidance of some teachers (the organist van der Eaden – other organists of local churches – his father Johann and other teachers of the family circle, such as the violinist Franz Rovantini and a certain Tobias Pfeiffer:  cf. J. Caeyers, op. cit. cit. pp. 37-38 and L. Chiantore, op. cit. cit. p. 32). So much so that he was included in the staff as deputy organist.

[28]) Cf. Di Pasquale op. cit. cit. p. 98. Ludwig grandfather succeeded Kapellmeister Joseph Touchemoulin (cf. Caeyers op. cit. cit. pp. 21 ff.) and remained in office, as we have seen, until his death. In the spring of 1784 Johann – Beethoven’s father – applied to succeed his father – Ludwig senior – in the role of Kapellmeister (cf. Caeyers, op. cit. cit. p. 27). But his curriculum was clearly inferior to that of Gaetano Mattioli and Andrea Lucchesi, “who became respectively director and maestro di cappella” (cfr. Caeyers, op. cit. cit. p.27). Among other things, the increasing consumption of alcohol (also due to the loss of his wife and only daughter, Maria Margaretha: cf. Caeyers, cit. op. cit. p. 28) caused a drop in the quality of Johann’s voice (see also Caeyers, op. cit. op. cit. p. 580, note 3, chap. II). So much so that with the decree of the elector dated November 20, 1789, he was “sent prematurely into retirement … and forced to hand over half of the maintenance money to the eldest son” (cf. Caeyers, op. cit. cit. pp. 27-28).

Johann was “granted a monthly increase of 15 florins, not for artistic merits but for Christian charity” (cf. Giovanni Guanti – Invitation to listen to Beethoven – Mursia 1995, p. 47). Moreover, as soon as he took office after the death of Maximilian Friedrich on April 15, 1784, the new elector Maximilan Franz had a “Pro-memoria” compiled in the summer of that year… on the merits and qualities of its singers and players” where it was said: “No. 8. The Tenorist Johan van Beethoven has an almost completely exhausted voice” (cf. P. Buscaroli op. cit. p. cit. p.106; G. Guanti op. cit. p. 46-47). Johann “will stay… in force in the chapel of the elector until his last days, more as an interpreter of the caricature of the musician than of the tenor repertoire” (cfr. Guanti cit. op. cit. cit. p. 47).

[29]) Cf. Di Pasquale, op. cit. cit. pp. 98-99-111. As has been rightly observed, Beethoven’s father “would not have been able to do so, and no doubt those responsible for appointing the new Kapellmeister were aware of this” (cf. Caeyers op. cit. cit. pp. 27-28).

See also note 28 back.

[30]) The author himself, who posed the question, cannot avoid making only probabilistic evaluations. In fact, he writes, regarding the destroyed conversation notebooks, “that probably on this point, as on others still controversial, they could have provided the necessary clarifications” leaving “room for another interpretation” (cf. Di Pasquale, cit. op. cit. cit. p. 110).

[31]) It seems, however, that the teaching lasted only a couple of weeks, Beethoven having been called back to Bonn because of the poor health of his mother, who died of consumption in July of the same year: cf. F.G.Wegeler and F. Ries- Beethoven, biographical notes from live, cit., edited by A. Focher- Moretti & Vitali, 2002- page 29.

[32]) Almost certainly on 2 November. In fact, Waldstein, on “Bonn, on 29 Oct. 792”, wrote in the Stammbuch [the album given to Beethoven by his friends in Bonn, when he left for Vienna] the wish to receive the spirit of Mozart from Haydn’s hands. In the same Stammbuch a certain Madame Koch, a friend of Bonn, wrote the sentence: “Bonn on 1 9mbre. 1792, on the evening of our farewell”. (cf. Piero Buscaroli, “BEETHOVEN”, ed., 2004, pp.217 and 219, and Walter Riezler, -Beethoven- Rusconi, cit., p.58).

[33]) Carlo Vitali also thinks in this sense in the article-interview “Bad teachers, bad students” published in the magazine “Musica” no. 294 of March 2018 and cited above.

[34]) It seems that he was a pupil of a pupil of Bach, a certain Gottfried August Homilius (cf. G.C.Ballola op. cit. p. 16 note 1) and of a certain J. A. Hiller (cf. Dictionary of Music and Musicians- UTET-1988- vol. V- pag. 339; A. Zignani- Ludwig van Beethoven- a new interpretation of life and works- Zecchini editore 2020- pag. 9; Maria Teresa Arfini- in Anton Reicha and Beethoven: a controversial relationship?- Il Saggiatore musicale- Year XVI- 2009 n. 1- pag. 6 note 5; J. Caeyers op. cit. cit. p. 39).

[35]) Cf. F. G. Wegeler-F. Ries- Beethoven, live biographical notes edited by A. Focher, cit.- p. 50.

[36]) He made him study, having been (as mentioned above, p. 10 note 34) of the Bach school, the Well-Tempered Clavier by Bach the Elder, the Versuch by C. Ph. E. Bach and the treatises of Fux, Marpurg (also his Art of Fugue) and Kirnberger (cf. Alberto Basso- History of music from the origins to the nineteenth century- UTET 2006- vol. 2 pages 938 and 760; Luca Chiantore- Beethoven at the piano- Il Saggiatore 2014-pp. 32-33; J. Caeyers, op. cit. cit. pp. 41-42). Beethoven spoke enthusiastically of the importance of the works of J.S. Bach, but especially of those for keyboard by his son C.P.E. Bach: “… there are some that every true artist should possess not only as a source of authentic enjoyment but also as an object of study” (cf. letter to Breitkopf & Hartel of 26 July 1809 in Epistolario Accademia nazionale Santa Cecilia-Skira 2000 – vol.II p. 95). Neefe, as a musician, seems to have been mediocre. But he knew how to teach. Cf. Jan Caeyers- Beethoven, portrait of a genius- op. cit. cit.- pp.39 ff.; Carli Ballola- Beethoven- Sansoni 2^ edition- pp. 15 ff; Walter Riezler- Beethoven – Rusconi 1977- page 52; Giorgio Pestelli- Beethoven- Il Mulino 1988-pag. 86 and note 8; H.C. Robbins Landon- Beehoven- Rusconi1997- p.32; Maynard Solomon-Beethoven– Marsilio1986- p.35. Among other things, the revisionists themselves admit (and this is documented) that Lucchesi, with a petition dated 26 April 1783, requested and obtained a one-year permit to come to Italy (he returned to Bonn in May 1784: see back page 3 note 7). During his absences, Lucchesi was replaced by deputy Neefe. It also seems that his absences from Bonn were frequent, so much so that the new elector Maximilian Franz reduced his salary. Franz abolished some privileges and abuses that some musicians of the chapel took, especially those related to the so-called “paid leave”. So he withdrew all authorizations to accept assignments elsewhere and the “directors Mattioli and Lucchesi were immediately recalled from abroad; the first was fired immediately and the second had to accept a drastic reduction in his generous salary…” (cf. J. Caeyers, op. cit., p. 57 and Buscaroli, op. cit., p. 92). This, which further demonstrates the lack of that assiduity that a teacher-student relationship must have.

[37]) For Beethoven, solo “Libertà e fraternità- ma non eguaglianza”: cf. M. Solomon- on Beethoven- Music myth psychoanalysis utopia op. cit. p. 235.

On the fact that in Bonn there was this circle of enlightened people of which Neefe was a member and that the “young Ludwig goes Beethoven… was formed in those enlightened circles”, Bianchini-Trombetta, op. cit. cit. part two pp. 442 and 444.

[38]) Beethoven considered music as the noblest and highest art, so it became his way of expressing and realizing his artistic and, at the same time, ethical mission. And these ethical principles find ample prominence in works such as the Eroica symphony, the Fifth, Fidelio, the Missa Solemnis, the Ninth, rightly considered as his symphonic fresco on the concept of human brotherhood and solidarity. And this idea of putting these values to music had matured in Beethoven from a young age, being already evident in works for preparatory CDs, such as the Lied Amore reciproca WvO 118 of the late 1700s and, subsequently, the Fantasia for choir and orchestra in C min op. 80 of 1808 (cf. L. Della Croce – Ludwig van Beethoven – Le nove sinfonia e alter opere per orchestra cit. pp. 498-499).

It is even the musician himself who highlights how this divine art has protected him from the idea of suicide. In the letter addressed to his brothers dated 6/10 October 1802 (better known as the Heiligenstadt Testament) Beethoven wrote: “I almost took my life” and, immediately after, added: “only art has kept me from doing it…” (cf. Epistolario- Accademia di Santa Cecilia- Skira 1999- vol. I- p- 221).

Later, in a letter addressed to a certain Emilie (probably a “little pianist who adored Beethoven”), the musician took up the concept of the importance of art, writing: “Persevere, do not limit yourself to making art an exercise but strive to penetrate its intimate essence; it deserves such an effort, because only art and science raise man to divinity” (cf. letter of 17 July 1812 in Epistolario cited above, Skira 2000- vol. II, p. 316).

[39]) Cf. Di Pasquale, op. cit. cit. pp. 104-107-108-109.

[40]) All the documents mentioned in succession are published on the website “The young Beethoven in the eyes of contemporaries – Collection of news from 1783 to 1800 – edited by Luigi Bellofatto, revised by Fiorella Romenzi.

[41]) Article published by Neefe in Cramer’s Magazin to demonstrate the esteem that the latter felt for his young pupil: cf. pp. 394-395.

[42] The misunderstanding of his father’s lowering of the age by two years still persisted, in an attempt to emulate the child prodigy Mozart. This was already highlighted in the notice of 26 March 1778 given by his father for a concert in Cologne (cf. P. Buscaroli- op. cit. p.82).

[43]) These are the WoO variations on a march by Ernest Christoph Dressler published in 1782.

[44]) See the documentation on the website indicated above in note 40.

[45]) Number 34 of 23 August 1783: cf. the documentation reported on the site indicated above in note 40.

[46]) Published in Leipzig in 1790, edited by Ernst Ludwig Gherrber: cf. the documentation reported on the site indicated above in note 40.

[47]) The error on the exact date of birth persisted.

[48]) The said journal was edited by Johann Goittlieb Carl Spazier and contained the text of a letter that B. wrote to Neefe: cf. the documentation reported on the site indicated above in note 40.

[49]) The present letter, which, as we have seen, also appeared in the Berlinische musikalische Zeitung, was probably written by Beethoven when his departure from Bonn at the end of October or the beginning of November 1792.

The passage from this letter is certainly based on a copy in the possession of the Neefe – cf. Beethoven’s Letters -Accademia Nazionale di Santa Cecilia- Skira 1999- vol. 1- pp.105-106).

[50]) Neefe was “responsible for Beethoven’s education in Bonn” (cf. Beethoven edited by Giorgio Pestelli – il Mulino 1988- 86). “Neefe was not only Beethoven’s teacher, he was his mentor” (cf. A. Zignani- Ludwig van Beethoven- a new interpretation of the life and works- Zecchini editgore 2020- p. 14).

With Neefe, in addition to the young Beethoven, the flutist Anton Reicha also studied composition, and both were encouraged by that master to enroll in the faculty of philosophy in Bonn (cf. Maria Teresa Arfini- op. cit- pag. 6).

[51]) Delegation activities which, in a complex structure such as the one in question (the staff of the Chapel, at the time of Elector Maximilian Franz, included between 36 and 41 subjects including singers and musicians: cf. P. Buscaroli cit. op. cit. p. 106; R. Di Pasquale op. cit. cit. p. 102), seems completely normal, given that a Kapellmeister, already burdened with considerable commitments and institutional tasks (as specified above, p. 6), could certainly not solve in person all the others concerning the said musical institution. In fact, “When Neefe arrived in Bonn, he was asked to take care of Beethoven’s training, which the maestro did with conviction…”: cf. J. Caeyers, op. cit. cit. p. 43.

It is symptomatic that already at the time of his appointment as Kapellmeister, Lucchesi had obtained from the Elector to separate the administrative and disciplinary activity of the Chapel (which was entrusted to the collaborator Gaetano Mattioli) “from the strictly musical and didactic one” (cf. R. Di Pasquale, cit. op. cit. cit. p. 101).

[52]) Cf. Fausto Torrefranca- The Italian origins of musical Romanticism- published 1930, a work reported on the site “Andrea Luchesi: the forgotten Kapellmeister, the cancelled maestro. A disturbing silence in the life of Ludwig van Beethoven” curated by Agostino Taboga; as well as in R. Di Pasquale, cit. op. cit. cit. p. 130.

[53]) Cf. what is reported on the website edited by A. Taboga cited above.

[54]) In works published between 1983 and 1990: cf. the site of A.Taboga cited above.

[55]) Cf. R. Di Pasquale, cit. op. cit. cit. p. 130.

On the theses of Henseler and Valder-Knechtges see also Silvia Gaddini – Dizionario Biografico Treccani – entry Lucchesi Andrea – volume 66 – 2006 – where it is stated verbatim: “L.’s production for the court chapel would have had, according to Henseler, a particularly strong influence on the contrapuntal passages of Beethoven’s sacred music; Valder-Knechtges, on the other hand, believes that the influence of L. contributed in a decisive way to Beethoven’s assimilation of that “Italianizing” element that was recognized in his very first instrumental works”.

[56]) Cf. Giorgio Taboga – Music and mathematics – Andrea Luchesi, genius misunderstood between Riccati and Beethoven; Id: Andrea Luchesi, l’ora della verità – 1994; Agostino Taboga, on the website “Andrea Luchesi: the forgotten Kapellmeister, the cancelled master. A disturbing silence in the life of Ludwig van Beethoven”; L. Della Croce in- Andrea Luchesi, maestro di Mozart e Beethoven- conference of 25 January 2000 for Associazione Mozart in Italia- Brescia- pp.105-115 (contrary to what this author had maintained up to that moment: cfr. Ludwig van Beethoven- Epistolario- Skira 1999- vol. 1 pag. 98 note 1; Id Ludwig van Beethoven- The Nine Symphonies and Other Works for Orchestra- Chronology Section p. XVI- year 1781- and pp. 32-33); R. Di Pasquale – Intellectual property in the Musical Chapels of the ‘700 – The Luchesi case – pp. 107 ff; Luca Bianchini-Anna Trombetta– Mozart the fall of the gods- Youcanprint Self-Publishing- part two- pag. 448.

An intermediate position seems to be that of the scholar Luca Chiantore (in Beethoven at the piano- il Saggiatore- 2014-) who, while highlighting the circumstance that the young Beethoven and the kapellmeister Lucchesi frequented each other for a long time in the Court Chapel, specifies that “There is not, however, any document that certifies a possible didactic relationship between them” (p.32). He adds that “It is likely, however, that Neefe’s role in Beethoven’s training was amplified beyond his actual merits” and that “The sources do not allow us to define with certainty the repercussions that Neefe’s teaching… had on Beethoven’s subsequent activity, both in the compositional field and in the interpretative field” (p. 33). He concludes, as regards the position of the hand, that Beethoven’s tradition “knew it thanks to Neefe” (p.-39).

[57]) In this regard, what Luigi della Croce said in his essay – Andrea Luchesi, maestro di Mozart e Beethoven – conference of 25 January 2000 for the Mozart Association in Italy – Brescia – cited above note 56 appears symptomatic. The author, after premising that Luchesi held the position of kapellmeister in Bonn “from 1774 to 1801…”, states: “It cannot therefore fail to have played an essential active part in the events of Ludwig van Beethoven’s adolescence and youth… until the moment when Beethoven moved permanently to Vienna, in 1792”. And, on this point, he concludes by specifying: “It is not easy, however, to separate – from the accumulation of citations… – the element of certainty from what is still only hypothesis, often logical, but not corroborated by [by] concrete evidence”.

58]) Cf. Graziano Bianchi- Tempesta e Luce- Beethoven- Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura- Roma 2004- pag.-34.


[6]) L’incarico ufficiale veniva conferito, appunto, dall’Elettore Maximilian Friedrich (dopo che Lucchesi aveva svolto i tre anni di prova dal 1771) e succedeva come kapellmeister al nonno di Beethoven, che era morto il 24 dicembre 1773.

Lucchesi giunse a Bonn con il primo violino (Konzertmeister) Gaetano Mattioli. Mentre Lucchesi era nominato kapellmeister, quest’ultimo assunse l’incarico di kepelldirektor (cfr. J. Caeyers op. cit. pagg. 27 e 49), ossia di colui che sovrintendeva alla attività amministrativa e disciplinare della Cappella, perché Lucchesi volle che si separasse la attività amministrativa da quella artistica del kapellmeister, in modo che si potesse dedicare e sovrintendere alle sole incombenze musicali.

Sotto gli italiani Lucchesi e Mattioli, la Cappella musicale di Bonn pare fosse diventata una delle migliori della Germania (cfr. J. Caeyers cit. pag 49).

Non la pensa proprio così Carlo Vitali in Andrea Luca Luchesi: “Cattivi maestri, pessimi allievi” nella rivista “musica del marzo 2018.

[7]) Salvo l’assenza di un anno (“dall’aprile del 1783 al maggio del 1784”): cfr. B. Saglietti- Beethoven, ritratti e immagini- Edt 2010- pag. 2.

Sullo scioglimento della Corte e della relativa Cappella: cfr. Silvia Gaddini- Lucchesi Andrea – in Dizionario biografico degli italiani- vol. 66- Roma- Istituto enciclopedico italiano- 2006.

[8]) Cfr. sopra nota 3.

[9]) Cfr. B. Saglietti op.cit. pagg 1-2; F.G.Wegeler e F.Ries- Beethoven Appunti biografici dal vivo ByA.Focher- Moretti & Vitali 2002 cit. pag.190 nota 27; G.C.Ballola op. cit. pag 17.

Neefe, come organista, aveva sostituito l’anziano  Aegidius van der Aeden (cfr.Giovanni Carli Ballola- BEETHOVEN- Sansoni Accademia- 2^ edizione- pag. 15; G.Taboga in un saggio del 2004 a commento del libro -Beethoven- di P. Buscaroli).

[10]) Cfr. J. Caeyers– op. cit. pag. 47.

Da notare che nel calendario della corte dell’Elettorato di Colonia, per l’anno 1790, si legge che nel ruolo di organisti vi erano: Organisti: Christian Neefe- Ludwig van Beethoven (cfr. F.G.Wegeler e F. Ries- Beethoven Appunti biografici dal vivo ByA. Focher- Moretti & Vitali 2002 cit. pagg. 50-51).


[11]) Cfr. su Internet- Riccardo Di Pasquale- La Proprietà intellettuale nelle Cappelle musicali del ‘700. Il caso Luchesi- pag. 109.

[12]) Cfr Di Pasquale cit. op cit. 109.

[13]) Cfr Di Pasquale op. cit. pag. 109.

[14]) Cfr.  Riccardo Di Pasquale op. cit. pag.110.

[15]) Cfr. Di Pasquale, op.cit. pagg 105 ss; L. Bianchini ed A. Trombetta- Mozart La caduta degli dei- Youcanprint Swelf-Publishing-2016.

In particolare questi ultimi, oltre a sostenere che A. Luchesi ultimo Kapellmeister di Bonn…fu il vero maestro di Beethoven fino alla partenza di quest’ultimo per Vienna avvenuta nel 1792(cfr. op. cit. parte seconda pag. 448), ipotizzano che la prima scuola classica di Vienna non ha nulla a che fare con la ricerca musicologica o storicae che fu utilizzata dalla propaganda nazista (cfr. parte seconda pag. 447).

[16]) Cfr. Di Pasquale, op. cit. pag. 107.

[17]) Cfr Di Pasquale op. cit. pag. 108.

[18]) Cfr. Di Pasquale op. cit. pag. 110.

[19]) Cfr. Di Pasquale op. cit. pagg. 110-111. In tal senso anche G.Taboga, nella sua recensione del 2004 al libro “Beethoven” di Piero Buscaroli.

[20]) Cfr. Di Pasquale, op. cit. pagg. 108-109-110.


[21]) Molti nobili avevano una loro Cappella musicale personale: si pensi alla famiglia Esterhazy ove, in funzione di kapellmeister, vi operò per moltissimo tempo F.J.Haydn; al re d’Inghilterra Giorgio I, al servizio del quale operò G.F. Handel; a varie istituzioni chiesastiche e municipalità al cui servizio operò J.S. Bach.

[22]) Come s’è già detto, quella di Bonn faceva capo, prima al principe Elettore Maximilian Friedrich e, poi, al suo successore Maximilian Fanz. Era formata da parecchi elementi, fra cantanti e strumentisti (vedi avanti pag. 15, nota 51).

[23]) All’epoca, non sussistendo il diritto d’autore, le opere composte dal kapellmeister erano assolutamente anonime -non recavano la firma di chi le componeva- e diventavano di proprietà della cappella (e quindi del suo padrone) che ne poteva fare l’uso che voleva.

[24]) Fra i giovani di talento vi erano, oltre a Beethoven, anche il cornista Nikolaus Simrock ed il flautista Anton Reicha (cfr. A. Zignani- Ludwig van Beethoven- una nuova interpretazione della vita e delle Opere- Zecchini editore 2020- pag. 14; J. Caeyers, op. cit. pag. 71). Proprio quest’ultimo studiava composizione con lo stesso maestro di Beethoven, ossia con Neefe (cfr. avanti pag. 15 nota 50).

[25]) In tal senso la pensa anche Carlo Vitali nell’articolo-intervista “Cattivi maestri, pessimi allievi” pubblicato nella rivista “Musica” n. 294 del marzo 2018, sopra cit.

[26]) Basti pensare allo stesso Lucchesi (chiamato, come s’è visto, a ricoprire l’incarico di kapellmeister presso la corte di Bonn), a musicisti come Antonio Salieri (vera e propria autorità musicale, nominato compositore di corte della famiglia imperiale a Vienna), a Giuseppe Bonno (che fu nominato maestro della cappella imperiale di Vienna), a Domenico Fischietti (di origine napoletana, che ottenne la nomina a maestro di cappella a Salisburgo, al posto di Leopold Mozart).


[27]) Non bisogna dimenticare che quando Beethoven entrò a far parte della Cappella musicale di Bonn, aveva comunque degli studi alle spalle, anche se discontinui ed  alquanto approssimativi, compiuti sotto la guida di alcuni maestri (l’organista van der Eaden- altri organisti di chiese locali- il padre Johann ed altri insegnanti della cerchia familiare, quali il violinista Franz Rovantini e tale Tobias Pfeiffer: cfr. J. Caeyers cit. op. cit. pagg. 37-38 e L. Chiantore cit. op. cit. pag. 32). Tanto, da essere inserito nell’organico come vice organista.

[28]) Cfr. Di Pasquale op. cit. pag. 98.  Ludwig nonno succedette al kapellmeister Joseph Touchemoulin (cfr. Caeyers op. cit. pagg. 21 ss.) e rimase in carica, come visto, fino alla morte. Nella primavera del 1784 Johann -padre di Beethoven- si candidò a succedere a suo padre -Ludwig senior- nel ruolo di maestro di cappella (cfr. Caeyers cit. op. cit. pag. 27). Ma il suo curriculum era nettamente inferiore a quello di Gaetano Mattioli e di Andrea Lucchesi, “divenuti rispettivamente direttore e maestro di cappella” (cfr. Caeyers cit. op. cit. pag.27). Fra l’altro il crescente consumo di alcool (dovuto anche alla perdita della moglie e dell’unica figlia femmina Maria Margaretha: cfr.- Caeyers cit. op. cit. pag. 28) provocò un calo di qualità della voce di Johann (cfr. anche Caeyers cit. op. cit. pag. 580 nota 3 cap.II). Tanto che con decreto dell’elettore in data 20 novembre 1789, questi veniva “ mandato prematuramente in pensione…e costretto a consegnare la metà del denaro di mantenimento al primogenito” (cfr. Caeyers cit. op. cit. pagg. 27-28).

A Johann venne “concesso un aumento mensile di 15 fiorini, non per meriti artistici ma per cristiana carità” (cfr Giovanni Guanti- Invito all’ascolto di Beethoven- Mursia 1995, pag. 47). Inoltre, appena insediato dopo la morte di Maximilian Friedrich, avvenuta il 15 aprile 1784, il nuovo elettore Maximilan Franz si fece compilare, nell’estate di quell’anno, un “Pro-memoria”…sui meriti e qualità dei suoi cantanti e suonatori” dove si diceva: ”N. 8. Il Tenorist Johan van Beethoven ha una voce quasi del tutto esaurita” (cfr. P. Buscaroli cit. op. cit. pag.106; G. Guanti cit. op. cit.pag.- 46-47). Johann “resterà… in forza alla cappella dell’elettore sino ai suoi ultimi giorni, più come interprete della macchietta del musicista avvinazzato che del repertorio tenorile” (cfr. Guanti cit. op. cit. pag. 47).

[29]) Cfr. Di Pasquale, op. cit. pagg. 98-99-111. Come è stato giustamente osservato, il padre di Beethoven non ne sarebbe stato in grado, e senza dubbio i responsabili della nomina del nuovo maestro di cappella ne erano consapevoli (cfr. Caeyers op. cit. pagg. 27-28).

Cfr anche nota 28 retro.

[30]) Lo stesso autore, che ha posto la questione, non può esimersi dal fare solo valutazioni probabilistiche. Scrive infatti, con riguardo ai quaderni di conversazione distrutti, che probabilmente su questo punto, come su altri ancora controversi, avrebbero potuto fornire i chiarimenti necessari lasciando spazio ad un’altra interpretazione (cfr. Di Pasquale cit. op. cit. pag. 110).

[31]) Pare, comunque, che l’insegnamento sia durato appena un paio di settimane, essendo stato Beethoven richiamato a Bonn per le pessime condizioni di salute della madre, che nel luglio dello stesso anno moriva di tisi: cfr. F.G.Wegeler e F. Ries- Beethoven appunti biografici dal vivo cit. ByA. Focher- Moretti & Vitali 2002- pag 29.


[32]) Quasi certamente il 2 novembre. Infatti Waldstein, in data Bonn, il 29 Ott. 792”, scriveva nello Stammbuch  [l’album donato a Beethoven dagli amici di Bonn, quando questi partì per Vienna] l’augurio di ricevere dalle mani di Haydn lo spirito di Mozart. Nello stesso Stammbuch tale madame Koch, un’amica di Bonn, scriveva la frase:  Bonn il 1° 9mbre. 1792, la sera del nostro addio”. (cfr. Piero Buscaroli “BEETHOVEN” ed. 2004 pagg.217 e 219 e Walter Riezler -Beethoven- Rusconi cit. pag.58).

[33])  In tal senso la pensa anche Carlo Vitali nell’articolo-intervista “Cattivi maestri, pessimi allievi” pubblicato nella rivista “Musica” n. 294 del marzo 2018 e sopra cit.

[34]) Pare fosse allievo di un allievo di Bach, tale Gottfried August Homilius (cfr. G.C.Ballola op. cit. pag. 16 nota 1) e di tale J. A. Hiller (cfr. Dizionario della musica  e dei musicisti- UTET-1988- vol. V- pag. 339; A. Zignani- Ludwig van Beethoven- una nuova interpretazione della vita e delle Opere- Zecchini editore 2020- pag. 9; Maria Teresa Arfini- in Anton Reicha e Beethoven: una relazione controversa?- Il Saggiatore musicale- Anno XVI- 2009 n. 1- pag. 6 nota 5; J. Caeyers op. cit. pag. 39).

[35]) Cfr. F. G. Wegeler-F.Ries- Beethoven appunti biografici dal vivo ByA. Focher cit.-  pag. 50.

[36]) Gli fece studiare, essendo stato (come detto sopra pag. 10 nota 34) di scuola bachiana, il Clavicembalo ben temperato di Bach padre, il Versuch di C. Ph. E. Bach ed i trattati di Fux, di Marpurg (anche la sua Arte della fuga) e di Kirnberger (cfr. Alberto Basso- Storia della musica dalle origini al XIX secolo- UTET 2006- vol. 2 pagg 938 e 760; Luca Chiantore- Beethoven al pianoforte- Il Saggiatore 2014-pagg. 32-33; J. Caeyers cit.op. cit. pagg. 41-42). Della importanza delle opere di J.S.Bach, ma soprattutto di quelle per tastiera del figlio C.P.E.Bach, Beethoven parlava con entusiasmo nel pieno della sua maturità: “…ce ne sono alcune che ogni vero artista dovrebbe possedere non soltanto come fonte di autentico godimento ma anche come oggetto di studio” (cfr. lettera a Breitkopf & Hartel del 26 luglio 1809 in Epistolario Accademia nazionale Santa Cecilia-Skira 2000- vol.II pag. 95). Neefe, come musicista, pare fosse mediocre. Però sapeva insegnare. Cfr Jan Caeyers- Beethoven ritratto di un genio- op. cit.- pagg.39 ss; Carli Ballola- Beethoven- Sansoni 2^ edizione- pagg. 15 ss; Walter Riezler- Beethoven – Rusconi 1977- pag.52; Giorgio Pestelli- Beethoven- Il Mulino 1988-pag. 86 e nota 8; H.C. Robbins Landon- Beehoven- Rusconi1997- pag.32; Maynard Solomon-Beethoven– Marsilio1986- pag.35. Fra l’altro, gli stessi revisionisti ammettono (e la cosa è documentata) che il Lucchesi, con istanza del 26 aprile 1783, chiese ed ottenne un permesso di un anno per venire in Italia (tornò a Bonn nel maggio del 1784: cfr. retro pag. 3 nota 7). Durante le sue assenze, Lucchesi era sostituito dal vice Neefe. Pare, anche, che le sue assenze da Bonn fossero frequenti, tanto che il nuovo elettore Maximilian Franz gli ridusse lo stipendio. Franz abolì alcuni privilegi ed abusi che alcuni musicisti della cappella si prendevano, specie quelli collegati alla cd “aspettativa remunerata”. Così ritirò tutte le autorizzazioni ad accettare incarichi altrove e i “direttori Mattioli e Lucchesi furono immediatamente richiamati dall’estero; il primo fu licenziato seduta stante e il secondo dovette accettare una drastica riduzione del suo lauto stipendio…” (cfr. J. Caeyers cit. op. cit. pag. 57 e Buscaroli op. cit. pag. 92). Cosa, questa, che dimostra ulteriormente la mancanza di quella assiduità che un rapporto maestro-allievo deve avere.

[37]) Per Beethoven, solo “Libertà e fraternità- ma non eguaglianza”: cfr. M. Solomon- su Beethoven- Musica mito psicoanalisi utopia op. cit. pag. 235.

Sul fatto che a Bonn vi fosse questo circolo di illuminati del quale faceva parte Neefe e che il “giovane Ludwig va Beethoven…si formò in quei circoli illuminati”, lo dicono anche Bianchini-Trombetta, op. cit. parte seconda pagg. 442 e 444.

[38]) Beethoven considerava la musica come l’arte più nobile ed elevata, per cui essa divenne il suo modo per esprimere e realizzare la sua missione artistica e, al contempo, etica. E questi principi etici trovano ampio risalto in opere come la sinfonia Eroica, la Quinta, Fidelio, la Missa Solemnis, la Nona, giustamente considerata come il suo affresco sinfonico sul concetto della fratellanza e della solidarietà umane. E questa idea di mettere in musica tali valori era maturata in Beethoven sin da giovane, essendo già ben evidente in lavori per cd preparatori, quali il Lied Amore reciproco WvO 118 della fine del ‘700 e, successivamente, la Fantasia per pf coro ed orchestra in do min op. 80 del 1808 (cfr.. L. Della Croce- Ludwig van Beethoven- Le nove sinfonie e le altre opere per orchestra cit. pagg 498-499).

Addirittura è lo stesso musicista ad evidenziare come questa divina arte lo abbia messo al riparo dalla idea del suicidio. Nella lettera indirizzata ai fratelli in data 6/10 ottobre 1802 (meglio nota come Testamento di Heiligenstadt) Beethoven scriveva: “poco ci mancò che non mi togliessi la vita” e, subito dopo, aggiungeva: “solo l’arte mi ha trattenuto dal farlo…” (cfr. Epistolario- Accademia di Santa Cecilia- Skira 1999- vol. I- pag- 221).

Più avanti, in una lettera indirizzata a certa Emilie (probabilmente una “piccola pianista che adorava Beethoven”), il musicista riprendeva il concetto della importanza dell’arte, scrivendo: “Persevera, non limitarti a fare dell’arte un esercizio ma sforzati di penetrarne l’intima essenza; essa merita tale sforzo, perchè soltanto l’arte e la scienza innalzano l’uomo fino alla divinità” (cfr. lettera del 17 luglio 1812 in Epistolario sopra cit- Skira 2000- vol. II pag. 316).

[39]) Cfr. Di Pasquale, op. cit. pagg. 104-107-108-109.

[40]) Tutti i documenti di cui si fa menzione in successione, sono pubblicati sul sito “Il giovane Beethoven agli occhi dei contemporanei- Raccolta di notizie dal 1783 al 1800- ByLuigi Bellofatto, revisione di Fiorella Romenzi.

[41]) Articolo fatto pubblicare da Neefe sul Magazin di Cramer a dimostrazione della stima che questi provava per il suo giovane allievo: cfr pagg 394-395.

[42) Ancora perdurava l’equivoco dell’abbassamento dell’età di due anni da parte del padre, nel tentativo di emulare il bambino prodigio Mozart. Cosa già evidenziata nell’avviso del 26 marzo 1778 dato dal padre per un concerto a Colonia (cfr. P. Buscaroli- op. cit. pag.82).

[43]) Si tratta delle variazioni WoO su una marcia di Ernest Christoph Dressler pubblicate nel 1782.

[44]) Cfr. la documentazione riportata nel sito indicato sopra in nota 40.

[45]) Il numero 34 del 23 agosto 1783: cfr. la documentazione riportata nel sito indicato sopra in nota 40.


[46]) Pubblicato a Lipsia nel 1790, ByErnst Ludwig Gherrber: cfr. la documentazione riportata nel sito indicato sopra a nota 40.

[47]) Ancora perdurava l’errore sulla esatta data di nascita.

[48]) Il detto giornale era ByJohann Goittlieb Carl Spazier e riportava anche il testo di una lettera che B. scrisse a Neefe: cfr. la documentazione riportata nel sito indicato sopra in nota 40.

[49]) La presente lettera che, come visto, apparve anche sul Berlinische musikalische Zeitung, fu scritta da Beethoven probabilmente in occasione della sua partenza da Bonn alla fine di ottobre o all’inizio di novembre 1792.

Il brano di detta lettera certamente si basa su una copia in possesso del Neefe -cfr. Epistolario beethoveniano -Accademia Nazionale di Santa Cecilia- Skira 1999- vol. 1-  pagg.105-106 ).

[50]) Neefe era il “responsabile dell’istruzione di Beethoven a Bonn” (cfr. Beethoven ByGiorgio Pestelli- il Mulino 1988- 86). “Neefe fu non solo il maestro di Beethoven, fu il suo mentore” (cfr. A. Zignani- Ludwig van Beethoven- una nuova interpretazione della vita e delle Opere- Zecchini editgore 2020- pag. 14).

Con Neefe, oltre al giovane Beethoven, studiò composizione anche il flautista Anton Reicha, ed entrambi furono incoraggiati da detto maestro ad iscriversi alla facoltà di filosofia di Bonn (cfr. Maria Teresa Arfini- op. cit- pag. 6).

[51]) Attività di delega che, in una struttura complessa come quella in questione (il personale della Cappella, ai tempi dell’Elettore Maximilian Franz, comprendeva tra i 36 ed i 41 soggetti fra cantanti e musicisti: cfr. P. Buscaroli cit. op. cit. pag. 106; R. Di Pasquale op. cit. pag. 102), appare del tutto normale, visto che un Kapellmeister, già gravato da notevoli impegni e compiti istituzionali (come specificato retro, pag. 6), non poteva certamente risolvere in prima persona tutti gli altri che riguardavano la detta istituzione musicale. Infatti “Quando Neefe arrivò a Bonn, gli fu chiesto di occuparsi della formazione di Beethoven, cosa che il maestro fece con convinzione…”: cfr. J. Caeyers cit. op. cit. pag. 43.

E’ sintomatico il fatto che già all’atto della nomina quale Kapellmeister, Lucchesi avesse ottenuto dall’Elettore di separare l’attività amministrativa e disciplinare della Cappella (che fu affidata al collaboratore Gaetano Mattioli) “da quella strettamente musicale e didattica” (cfr. R. Di Pasquale cit. op. cit. pag. 101).


[52]) Cfr. Fausto Torrefranca- Le origini italiane del Romanticismo musicale- edito 1930, lavoro riportato nel sito “Andrea Luchesi: il Kapellmeister dimenticato, il maestro cancellato. Un inquietante silenzio nella vita di Ludwig van Beethoven” ByAgostino Taboga; nonché in R. Di Pasquale cit. op. cit. pag. 130.

[53]) Cfr. quanto riportato nel sito ByA. Taboga sopra cit.

[54]) In lavori pubbicati fra il 1983 ed il 1990: cfr. il sito di A.Taboga sopra cit.

[55]) Cfr. R. Di Pasquale cit. op. cit. pag. 130.

Sulle tesi di Henseler e di Valder-Knechtges vedi anche Silvia Gaddini- Dizionario Biografico Treccani- voce Lucchesi Andrea- volume 66- 2006- ove si dice testualmente: La produzione di L. per la cappella di corte avrebbe avuto, secondo Henseler, un influsso particolarmente forte sui passaggi contrappuntistici della musica sacra di Beethoven; Valder-Knechtges, invece, ritiene che l’influsso del L. abbia contribuito in modo determinante all’assimilazione, da parte di Beethoven, di quell’elemento “italianizzante” che è stato riconosciuto nelle sue primissime opere strumentali”.

[56]) Cfr. Giorgio Taboga– Musica e matematica- Andrea Luchesi, genio incompreso fra Riccati e Beethoven; Id: Andrea Luchesi, l’ora della verità- 1994; Agostino Taboga, nel sito “Andrea Luchesi: il Kapellmeister dimenticato, il maestro cancellato. Un inquietante silenzio nella vita di Ludwig van Beethoven”; L. Della Croce in- Andrea Luchesi, maestro di Mozart e Beethoven- conferenza del 25 gennaio 2000 per Associazione Mozart in Italia- Brescia- pagg.105-115 (contrariamente a quanto sostenuto, da questo autore, fino a quel momento: cfr. Ludwig van Beethoven- Epistolario- Skira 1999- vol. 1 pag. 98 nota 1; Id Ludwig van Beethoven- Le nove sinfonie e le altre opere per orchestra- sezione cronologia pag. XVI- anno 1781- e pagg. 32-33); R. Di Pasquale– La proprietà intellettuale nelle Cappelle musicali del ‘700- Il caso Luchesi- pagg. 107 ss; Luca Bianchini-Anna Trombetta– Mozart la caduta degli dei- Youcanprint Self-Publishing- parte seconda- pag. 448.

Una posizione intermedia sembra essere quella dello studioso Luca Chiantore (in Beethoven al pianoforte- il Saggiatore- 2014-) il quale, pur evidenziando la circostanza che il giovane Beethoven ed il kapellmeister Lucchesi si frequentarono a lungo nella Cappella di corte, precisa che ”Non sopravvive, tuttavia, alcun documento che certifichi un possibile rapporto didattico fra di loro” (pag.32). Aggiunge che “E’ probabile, tuttavia, che il ruolo di Neefe nella formazione di Beethoven sia stato amplificato al di là dei suoi effettivi meriti” e che  “Le fonti non permettono di definire con certezza  le ripercussioni che l’insegnamento di Neefe…ebbe sull’attività successiva di Beethoven, tanto in campo compositivo quanto in campo interpretativo” (pag. 33). Conclude, quanto alla posizione della mano, che la tradizione bachiana Beethoven la “conobbe grazie a Neefe” (pag.-39).

[57]) Al riguardo appare sintomatico quanto detto da Luigi della Croce nel suo saggio- Andrea Luchesi, maestro di Mozart e Beethoven- conferenza del 25 gennaio 2000 per Associazione Mozart in Italia- Brescia- sopra cit. nota 56. L’autore, dopo avere premesso che Luchesi ricoprì la carica di kapellmeister a Bonn dal 1774 al 1801…, afferma: Non può quindi non avere avuto parte attiva essenziale negli avvenimenti dell’adolescenza e della giovinezza di Ludwig van Beethoven…fino al momento in cui Beethoven si spostò definitivamente a Vienna, nel 1792. E, sul punto, conclude precisando: Non è però facile separare- dal cumulo di citazioni…- l’elemento di certezza da quanto è ancora solo ipotesi, sovente logica, ma non corroborata del [da] prove concrete.

[58]) Cfr. Graziano Bianchi- Tempesta e Luce- Beethoven- Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura- Roma 2004- pag.-34.

Willy Hess: The Scholar Who Rediscovered Many Lost Works by Beethoven

Willy Hess, le chercheur qui découvrit beaucoup d’œuvres de Beethoven

Par Miriam Allemand

Willy Hess est un musicologue et compositeur suisse et l’un des plus importants spécialistes de Beethoven. Il est né le 12 octobre 1906 à Winterthur, dans le canton de Zürich, en Suisse.

Ses deux parents étaient doués pour les arts. Son père était propriétaire d’une marbrerie et fabrique de pierres tombales. Sa mère lui a fait donner des cours de violon quand il a eu onze ans. En ce temps-là, Willy Hess a commencé à apprendre le piano en autodidacte et à composer. Plus tard, il a retravaillé quelques-unes de ses premières œuvres et les a publiées en leur donnant le titre “Klavierstücke op. 25”.[1]

Peu après son entrée au Gymnasium (collège et lycée) de Winterthur, ses parents l’ont inscrit à l’école de musique de cette ville. Là, il a suivi des cours de violon auprès du chef d’orchestre Ernst Wolters et de piano auprès d’Otto Uhlmann. Ce dernier lui a aussi enseigné l’harmonie, la forme et le jeu avec partition.

Willy Hess aurait voulu étudier uniquement au conservatoire de musique, mais sa mère l’a poussé à étudier au Gymnasium (collège et lycée) pour passer sa Matura, un diplôme qui ouvre l’accès à l’université. S’il avait étudié uniquement au conservatoire de musique, il ne serait pas allé étudier un semestre à Berlin. Or, ce séjour a été à « la base de ce qui est devenu la tâche de ma vie et m’a apporté une reconnaissance internationale : la recherche sur Beethoven. »[2]

C’est au Gymnasium qu’il a décidé de ne jamais boire d’alcool et de ne jamais fumer. Il n’allait pas dans les locaux enfumés, même si cela l’a tenu éloigné de certains cercles qui auraient pu contribuer à son succès professionnel. De plus, il a mangé végétarien pendant de nombreuses années. Mais il haïssait toute forme de fanatisme et pouvait être ami avec des personnes qui n’étaient pas de son avis.

Son premier contact avec la musique de Beethoven a eu lieu quand il avait 16 ans, dans un foyer pour les jeunes qu’il fréquentait pendant ses vacances. Une personne qui est venue travailler dans ce foyer, Selma Heim, jouait bien du piano. Elle lui a fait connaitre les symphonies de Beethoven pour piano à quatre mains, qu’ils jouaient ensemble.

Il a étudié la théorie de la musique, la composition et le piano au Conservatoire de musique de Zürich et la musicologie aux Universités de Zürich et de Berlin. En 1927, il a obtenu son diplôme d’enseignement du piano. Depuis cette année, il a assisté à des représentations d’opéras de Wagner à Bayreuth, mises en scène par Siegfried Wagner, qu’il admirait beaucoup.

Il a passé un semestre à Berlin, où il a étudié la musicologie et a suivi des cours de basson. À la Preussische Staatsbibliothek (Bibliothèque d’État prussienne) de Berlin, il a découvert des manuscrits inédits de Beethoven, dont beaucoup d’œuvres que l’on croyait disparues. Cette activité l’a passionné, c’est pourquoi il a décidé de se mettre au service de Beethoven.

Il a choisi le métier de musicien d’orchestre parce que cela lui permettait de devenir indépendant financièrement tout en lui laissant le temps de composer et rechercher librement. Il n’aimait pas l’académisme de la musicologie telle qu’elle était pratiquée de son temps. Il trouvait qu’elle était « sans contact avec la vie vivante. »[3] C’est pourquoi il n’a pas voulu entreprendre une carrière universitaire. L’alliance du musicien d’orchestre et du théoricien s’est révélée riche de bénédictions pour son travail de compositeur et de chercheur sur les œuvres de Beethoven, d’autant plus que certaines d’entre elles étaient à compléter.

Après son séjour à Berlin, il a enseigné le piano et joué du basson dans des orchestres, composé de la musique et a écrit sur elle. De l’automne 1942 à la fin de la saison 1970-71, il était engagé dans l’orchestre de la ville de Winterthur comme deuxième basson. Avec cet orchestre, il a joué entre autres sous la direction d’Andreae, Schoeck, Ansermet et Scherchen.

Willy Hess ne s’est pas seulement intéressé à la musique. Il était très intéressé par Sven Hedin, un chercheur suédois, dont il a cité la pensée dans son autobiographie : « Je préfère un opposant sincère à un faux ami. »[4] Il s’est aussi passionné pour les régions polaires. C’est pourquoi il a appris à lire le suédois et plus tard le norvégien et le danois. Cela l’a aidé quand il a réuni les chants populaires suédois et danois mis en musique par Beethoven. Il a écrit des articles, entre autres des récits de voyage en Suède, Norvège et Groenland.

Son amour de la nature est un des points communs qu’il avait avec Beethoven. Willy Hess était persuadé que la technique mènerait l’humanité à son anéantissement. Il était préoccupé par la pollution, la « mise en esclavage et le traitement inhumain de nos animaux »[5]. Toute sa vie, il a aimé les œuvres de Johanna Spyri (qui est l’auteur du livre « Heidi »), car ils correspondaient à l’idée qu’il avait sur l’industrialisation et la nature.

Il a écrit des Lieder. Les poèmes de Mina Salm et de Dora Haller en dialecte alémanique lui ont « ouvert le chemin de la composition de chants, mais aussi celui de mon style personnel »[6]. Il a aussi mis en musique des poèmes d’Erika Stiffeler, de Manfred Kyber, Joseph von Eichendorff et Hermann Hesse. Presque tous ses cycles de Lieder ont été édités par lui, car : « Qui nage contre le courant de son temps ne peut pas compter avec de grands succès extérieurs. »[7] Toutes ses œuvres sont tonales. Il était convaincu que la tonalité était une nécessité pour la musique et l’a défendu par ses écrits. Dans une préface à un recueil de Lieder (Aus Flur und Wald, sur des poèmes en dialecte suisse alémanique de Dora Haller), il critique le jazz. Il n’aimait pas non plus la musique rock.


Zentral Bibliothek Zürich – Lieu où sont déposées les archives de Willy Hess

Un jour, après un concert à Uster, Bernard Päuler s’est présenté à lui. Il était le propriétaire de la maison d’édition Amadeus à Winterthur. Il lui a passé commande d’une sonate en solo pour alto. Depuis ce jour, Bernard Päuler a publié beaucoup d’œuvres de Willy Hess, ainsi que sa biographie de Beethoven et des œuvres inédites de ce dernier complétées par Willy Hess. Il lui a aussi demandé d’écrire la basse continue (la partie de la main droite pour l’instrument d’accompagnement) de certaines œuvres baroques, dont “Die kleine Kammermusik” de Telemann. De toutes les œuvres contemporaines éditées par l’éditeur Amadeus, les siennes étaient celles qui se vendaient le mieux. Le public appréciait ses œuvres, mais pas les critiques, qui préféraient les compositeurs d’avant-garde.

Voici ce qu’il pensait des carnets d’esquisses beethovéniens :

« Je voudrais également corriger une idée fausse, ou plutôt une déformation de la réalité, dont se rendent coupables les théoriciens modernes à propos des carnets de croquis de Beethoven. Les esquisses compositionnelles de Beethoven, en particulier, montrent que le maître cherchait et essayait avec le sentiment et non avec le calcul, rejetait et rejetait encore avec le sentiment jusqu’à ce qu’il trouve sa véritable idée intérieure. »[8]

En 1931, le début de son « Index des œuvres de Beethoven manquantes dans l’édition complète » (“Verzeichnis der in der Gesamtausgabe fehlenden Werke Beethovens”) a été publié dans le 5e volume de la Revue annuelle suisse de musicologie (“Schweizerischen Jahrbuches für Musikwissenschaft”). Cet index a pris la forme d’un livre édité en 1957 chez Breitkopf & Härtel.

Le 12 février 1935 a eu lieu la première exécution d’un aria de Marcelline (opéra Fidelio), qui n’avait encore jamais été imprimé. Le 10 février 1937, Margrit Vaterlaus et Erwin Tüller ont chanté la première exécution du duo “Ne’ giorni tuoi felici”. Willy Hess a mis en partition le concerto pour piano de Beethoven de 1784 et le pianiste Edwin Fischer l’a joué.

Willy Hess a publié son livre « L’opéra Fidelio de Beethoven et ses trois versions » chez l’éditeur Atlantis. Il a ensuite trouvé de nouveaux manuscrits de Beethoven à Vienne. Laissons-lui la parole pour décrire une partie de son travail au service de Beethoven :

« En 1955, la guilde du livre Gutenberg m’a chargé d’écrire une biographie de Beethoven, parue en 1956 et épuisée en quelques années. En 1959, j’ai donné cinq conférences sur les œuvres scéniques de Beethoven à la haute école des adultes de Zürich, qui ont été publiées sous forme de livre en 1962. La même année 1959, j’ai pu présenter le premier volume de mes suppléments à l’édition complète de Beethoven.[9]

Cette série de publications a sa préhistoire ! Breitkopf & Härtel avait initialement l’intention de réviser et de réimprimer leur propre édition complète. J’ai élaboré des directives à ce sujet et plusieurs réunions ont eu lieu à Wiesbaden. Mais alors l’annonce d’une nouvelle édition complète lancée par la Beethoven-Haus de Bonn a fait irruption dans nos préparatifs comme une bombe. Cela rendait nos plans illusoires, et au lieu de réviser et d’ajouter à l’ancienne édition, la société m’a chargé de publier des volumes supplémentaires censés rassembler tout ce qui manquait à l’ancienne édition. Il a été publié de 1959 à 1971 :

1er volume : Chants italiens à plusieurs voix sans accompagnement (1959).

2e volume : Chants avec orchestre (1960).

3e volume : Pour instrument soliste avec orchestre 1 (1960).

4e volume : Œuvres orchestrales (1961).

5e volume : Lieder et chants avec accompagnement de piano. Canons et plaisanteries musicales (1962).

6e volume : Musique de chambre pour cordes (1963).

7e volume : Musique de chambre pour vents, pour vents et cordes. Œuvres pour une horloge musicale (petites orgues mécaniques associés à une horloge qui jouent automatiquement toutes les heures ou demi-heures[10]) (1963).

8e volume : Arrangements originaux pour piano de ses propres œuvres (1964).

9e volume : Œuvres pour piano, œuvres de musique de chambre avec piano (1965).

10e volume : Pour instrument soliste avec orchestre 2 (1969).

11e et 12e volume : Œuvres dramatiques 1, 2 (Opéra Fidelio dans la version originale avec toutes les variantes) (1967).

13e volume : Œuvres dramatiques 3 (Fidelio 1806, plus petites œuvres) (1970).

14e volume : Arrangements de chants populaires, suppléments et rectifications (1971). »[11]

Durant ces années de recherches et de publications, Willy Hess arrêta peu à peu d’enseigner et composa peu, car il n’avait pas beaucoup de temps. En effet, il était principalement à ce moment-là musicien dans l’Orchestre de la Ville de Winterthur.

Pendant cette période, il a travaillé aux Archives de Bonn, où le Prof. Joseph Schmidt-Görg, son fils le Dr Hans Schmidt et la Dr Dagmar von Busch-Weise l’ont aidé. Parmi ses relations, citons aussi son ami le Prof. Giovanni Biamonti (Rome), un autre important spécialiste de Beethoven.

Le volume des chants populaires que Beethoven a arrangé lui a demandé un énorme travail. Par chance, Willy Hess a reçu de l’aide de Copenhague, Stockholm, Moscou (Prof. Nathaniel Fischmann), Varsovie (Dr Zofia Lissa), Budapest (Dr Benjamin Rajecky) et Londres (Dr J. A. Parkinson).

Après avoir publié le dernier volume des œuvres inédites de Beethoven, Willy Hess a continué à consacrer du temps à l’œuvre du Maître : il a notamment prêté beaucoup d’attention au respect absolu de la volonté de Beethoven. Il l’a aussi défendu énergiquement « contre tout dénigrement puéril du Génie par une certaine sorte d’avant-gardistes. »[12] Un de ses articles, qui a paru en 1970 dans la Revue musicale suisse à ce sujet lui a valu des lettres enthousiastes. Dans ses “Beethoven-Studien” (études sur Beethoven), Willy Hess a donné en 32 articles un aperçu de son travail au service de Beethoven.

Willy Hess a écrit plusieurs ouvrages sur la musique. “Die Dynamik der musikalischen Formbildung” (La dynamique de la forme musicale) en deux volumes (Vienne 1960, 1964) est le résultat d’une synthèse du praticien créateur et du théoricien avisé qu’il était. Il a aussi publié de nombreux articles, entre autres dans les Annales suisses de musicologie.

À propos de la forme musicale, il était d’accord avec « la phrase merveilleuse d’Hindemith : « La musique est parente avec la mathématique, mais elle n’est pas une mathématique. » »[13] Selon Willy Hess, « Ce que chaque vrai maître ressentait et savait (…) : Le processus de création artistique est un mélange mystérieux de forces mesurables et non mesurables, de réflexion et d’intuition. »[14]

Willy Hess a défendu par ses écrits le droit de composer de la musique tonale, même au 20e siècle, contre l’Avant-garde qui voulait imposer son style à tous. À ce sujet, il a écrit entre autres “Parteilose Kunst, parteilose Wissenschaft. Eine Auseinandersetzung mit dem Zeitgeist in der Musik” (Art sans partis, science sans partis. Une explication avec l’esprit du temps dans la musique) éditions Hans Schneider, Tutzing, 1967, et “Vom Doppelantlitz des Bösen in der Kunst, dargestellt am Beispiel der Musik” (le double visage du mal dans l’art, illustré par l’exemple de la musique) éditions F. J. Lehmanns, Munich, 1963.

Ses archives se trouvent à la Zentralbibliothek (bibliothèque centrale) de Zürich.

Willy Hess a toujours composé des œuvres tonales. Ses compositions comprennent environ 150 Lieder avec piano, plusieurs cycles de chants avec orchestre, deux opéras, une symphonie, des concertos pour soliste, un double concerto pour violon, alto et orchestre ainsi que de nombreuses œuvres de musique de chambre. Il a écrit des sonates, entre autres pour basson et petit orchestre, alto et piano, alto et basson, alto solo, flûte et violoncelle ainsi que flûte et piano.

L’année de son 70e anniversaire, à 69 ans, il a écrit son autobiographie “Aus meinem Leben” (De ma vie). Dans la conclusion de celle-ci, il a écrit qu’il regrette de ne pas avoir pu entendre beaucoup de ses œuvres, mais qu’il est reconnaissant et content d’avoir vécu beaucoup de belles choses positives et qu’il est heureux d’avoir été choisi par le destin pour accomplir son travail.

En conclusion, voici un conseil de Willy Hess: «Mes chers amis, si jamais le découragement ou le pessimisme vous envahit, cherchez alors des tâches, qui requièrent tout votre dévouement. »[15]


Photo de Willy Hess


Photo de Willy Hess dans sa biographie de Beethoven « Aus meinem Leben ».


Photo de Willy Hess dans sa biographie de Beethoven


Villa Rychenberg siège du Musikkollegium Winterthur Nord


Villa Rychenberg siège du Musikkollegium Winterthur Ouest


Villa Rychenberg siège du Musikkollegium Winterthur Sud 1


Villa Rychenberg siège du Musikkollegium Winterthur Sud 2

Quelques publications de Willy Hess sur la musique et sur l’art (en allemand)


  • Verzeichnis der nicht in der Gesamtausgabe veröffentlichten Werke Ludwig van Beethovens. Zusammengestellt für die Ergänzung der Beethoven-Gesamtausgabe, Wiesbaden, Breitkopf & Härtel, 1957.
  • Parteilose Kunst – Parteilose Wissenschaft. Eine Auseinandersetzung mit dem Zeitgeist in der Musik, Tutzing, Schneider, 1967.
  • Beethoven-Studien, Bonn, Beethoven-Haus, 1972 (Schriften zur Beethoven-Forschung, Reihe IV, Band 7).
  • Studien zu seinem Werk, Winterthur, Amadeus-Verlag, 1981
  • Das Fidelio-Buch, Winterthur, Amadeus-Verlag, 1986.
  • Hinter den Kulissen. Momentbilder und Anekdoten aus dem Leben eines Orchestermusikers, Winterthur, Ed. Swiss Music, 1992
  • Vom Doppelantlitz des Bösen in der Kunst, J. F. Lehmann, München, 1963

Sources


Willy Hess, Aus meinem Leben, éditions Werner Classen, Zürich 1976

Willy Hess : Beethoven, éditions Amadeus, Winterthur 1976

Zur Erinnerung an Willy Hess 12. Oktober 1906 bis 9. Mai 1997

Willy Hess (Komponist) – Wikipedia

Œuvres pour orgue de Beethoven — Wikipédia (wikipedia.org)

Cet article a été écrit par Miriam Allemand pour lvbeethoven.org.

[1] Chris Walton “Laudatio auf Willy Hess” in “Zur Erinnerung an Willy Hess 12. Oktober 1906 bis 9. Mai 1997” (“Discours à la louange de Willy Hess” dans “En souvenir de Willy Hess 12 octobre 1906 au 9 mai 1997”) p. 18.

[2] Willy Hess, Aus meinem Leben (De ma vie) éditions Werner Classen, Zürich 1976, p. 20.

[3] Willy Hess, Aus meinem Leben, p. 57.

[4] Willy Hess, Aus meinem Leben, p. 78.

[5] Willy Hess, Aus meinem Leben, p. 140.

[6] Willy Hess, Aus meinem Leben, p. 116.

[7] Willy Hess, Aus meinem Lelben, p. 122.

[8] Willy Hess, Aus meinem Leben, p. 117.

[9] Willy Hess, Aus meinem Leben, p. 128.

[10] https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Œuvres_pour_orgue_de_Beethoven#Œuvres_pour_orgue_mécanique

[11] Willy Hess, Aus meinem Leben, p. 128 et 129.

[12] Willy Hess, Aus meinem Leben, p. 130-131.

[13] Willy Hess, Aus meinem Leben, p. 133.

[14] Willy Hess, Aus meinem Leben, p. 133.

[15] Willy Hess “Mein Abschiedsgruss” in “Zur Erinnerung an Willy Hess 12. Oktober 1906 bis 9. Mai 1997” (“Mes salutations d’adieu” dans “En souvenir de Willy Hess 12 octobre 1906 au 9 mai 1997”) p. 13.

Alcune risorse su Willy Hess: autografi, composizioni, prime edizioni

Di proprietà del Centro Ricerche Musicali www.lvbeethoven.org (estratti)

Jäger und Sammler – 34 Years in the Service of the Beethoven-Haus: Michael Ladenburger and Luigi Bellofatto

Jäger und Sammler – 34 Jahre im Dienst des Beethoven-Hauses.

Luigi Bellofatto ha scritto il presente articolo per il libro/ricordo pubblicato in occasione del pensionamento di Michael Ladenburger. E renderlo pubblico è il personale omaggio del sito www.lvbeethoven.org

I have known Michael Ladenburger for more than 10 years. I first met him when I started work on the biographer of Beethoven, Alexander Wheelock Thayer. I was impressed by his willingness to help me and to provide information I needed on every occasion when asked.

From that day, a good friendship has been established between us and every time I visited the Beethoven-Haus, he was always available to spend his time with me. He also invited me several times to his home, to meet his family where I always enjoyed great hospitality.

He is one of the most valuable experts on Beethoven, in all fields: music, life, manuscripts and more…

In 2008, Michael asked me if I was interested in preparing an exhibition on A. W. Thayer at the Beethoven-Haus that was to open in May 2010 “Beethoven dem MENSCHEN gewidmet” – Der Beethoven-Biograf Alexander Wheelock Thayer. He came a few times to my home in order to see my collection and prepare all the items for this exhibition. Michael’s kindness was impressive and together we completed the preparations for the exhibition with several items from my collection that we brought together from Milan to Bonn. He came to visit me at my house a few times after the exhibition and it was always a pleasure to meet him and to spend the day together.

Michael catalogued my sizeable collection on Thayer that includes several letters, photos, books, notes, and the copy of Beethoven’s Biography that belonged to Henry Edwards Krehbiel with many very interesting letters of friends of Thayer to him, such as the famous letter by Anselm Hüttenbrenner sent on 20th of August 1860 describing the last moments of Beethoven’s life.

All people are aware of Michael’s deep knowledge of Beethoven, but only by being with him is it possible to see how he is ready and available to help any person, and to share all the information he knows with a humility that only few people have.

He is an organist like myself, so we have shared this passion and on one occasion he came to my town where we played the pipe organ together with great pleasure! But he is also a great cyclist, and fortunately we had time to spend cycling in Germany and in Italy.

My profession is not related to music, as I graduated as an engineer, but since I was a child I was introduced to classical music by my mother (her father was a tenor) and often we listened to LPs on opera and classical music in general. I studied piano and later cello, and passed a few exams at the Conservatorio of Milan, but I did not have time to complete my studies.

Beethoven was one of my favorite composers, and my first research on him was for a middle school exam. Since that date, I decided to learn much more about him.

So I began to collect books on this composer and now have a sizeable collection of books, scores and prints.  They are mainly old ones and some are very rare, among them the Cramer Magazin der Musik, the Blumenlese für Klavierliebhaber,  the Musikalische Korrespondenz der teutschen Filarmonischen Gesellschaft für das Jahr 1791,  the original edition of WoO 67 –Variations à quatre mains pour le piano forte sur un theme de Monsieur le Comte de Waldstein, Bonn, Simrock, [1794] (maybe the only existing copy) and the 50 Veränderungen über einen Walzer von Anton Diabelli für Klavier (C-Dur), 1–50, Vaterländischer Künstlerverein, Abt. 2, Diabelli, 1381 (on loan from me to the Beethoven-Haus ).

Michael helped me on several occasions to catalogue books and scores, and to transcribe in “current” German language the old handwritten language of letters of my collection, including that by Breuning, Wegeler, Schindler, Caroline van Beethoven, Nottebohm, Frimmel, and many others.

In one of my visits to Bonn (September 2011), I came to the Beethoven-Haus with my friend Armando Orlandi and Michael was pleased to let Armando repair the Beethoven clock that is in the Museum. This pendulum clock was given to Beethoven as a gift from the Princess Christine Lichnowsky. The repair on this clock started at 8.45 in the Reading room of the Library of the Beethoven Haus. The tools were previously shipped from Genua to the Beethoven Haus, after a careful check that everything was available including any emergency piece. It took around two hours to repair the clock and once completed Michael relocated it back in room 9 of the museum.

A few years later, on 25th of April 2014, I came again to Beethoven-Haus with my friends Armando, the pianist Massimo Anfossi and Marco Pescetto. For that occasion, Michael kindly allowed me to present the Fantasy Biamonti 213 in the afternoon concert organized by the Beethoven-Haus at Small Music Hall and Massimo played this piece and other variations by Beethoven on the Graf piano in that room.

I would like to thank him for his continuous hard work over the years, for his loyalty and the professional working relationship we have had.

I am honored to have met him and be considered one of his friends!

Michael, I wish you a long, happy and healthy retirement.

Ciao!

Il tuo amico,

Luigi

Authentic Beethoven in Venice | Beethoven Music Research Center

Authentic Beethoven?

Seminario di Gabriele Riccobono e Rinaldo Nani – Venezia 22 / 23 novembre 2017

Seminar by Gabriele Riccobono and Rinaldo Nani – Venice, November 22-23, 2017

The recent seminar held by Gabriele Riccobono in Venice gave us the opportunity to meet the scholar of Beethoven performance practice.

WHAT IS “BEETHOVEN AUTHENTIC”? Why does contemporary Beethoven interpretation remain (often unintentionally) distant from Beethoven’s original indications? How can musicians who feel the need for greater authenticity have more control over their interpretative choices? The thesis of Gabriele Riccobono (founder and director of Beethoven Autentico) and Dr. Rinaldo Nani (algorithmic mathematician) is that a step forward can be made by integrating and correcting ordinary musicological processes with the contribution of Bayesian statistics. This perspective, currently being tested by the two scholars, will be the subject of this seminar on Beethovenian philology and performance practice, led by Professors Monica Bertagnin and Igor Cognolato. Introductory readings available at: beethovenautentico.com (text taken from the seminar brochure)



Gabriele Riccobono, founder and director of Beethoven Autentico, specializes in the authenticity of Beethoven’s sources and performance practices. Rinaldo Nani designs algorithms and architectures for new technologies and conducts research on complex systems and machine learning. They collaborate on the development of probabilistic models for evaluating competing hypotheses.


“Gabriele Riccobono’s Authentic Beethoven, with accessible yet powerful words, provides the foundation for an understanding of Beethoven’s music that brings him closer to his original intentions.” Professor Giuseppe Mariotti, Dean of the Faculty of Music, Tokushima Bunri University (Japan)

Authentic Beethoven in Venice

In the photos, Gabriele Riccobono with his mathematician colleague, Rinaldo Nani. In the photo on stage, on the sides: Igor Cognolato, piano professor at the Conservatory, and, on the right, Paolo De Rossi, violin professor. Second from the right is Monica Bertagnin, chamber music professor, some images of the splendid Benedetto Marcello Conservatory in Venice, and finally, in the last photo, with pianist Mizuho Furukubo (performing a Waldstein performance worthy of a frame).