Writings, Documents, and the Heiligenstadt Testament

THE HEILIGENSTADT TESTAMENT

The Heiligenstadt Testament dates from October 1802. It is an extraordinary confession, unmatched in Beethoven’s writings, composed during a period of despair in which suicidal thoughts certainly hovered in his mind. It was found after his death among his papers, and came into the hands of Schindler. It then passed from those of Artaria to those of Hotschevar, eventually ending up in the possession of Jenny Lind, the famous singer, whose husband donated it to the Staats- und Universitäts-Bibliothek of Hamburg around 1890.

Beethoven’s state of depression during that period was certainly linked, in large part, to the worsening of his deafness, a condition of which few were aware. Precisely in an attempt to find some relief from it, Beethoven had moved—on the advice of Dr. Schmidt—for six months to the Viennese suburb of Heiligenstadt, where the small house in which he stayed and presumably wrote the Testament still exists today, now transformed into a museum. It was after these six months, during which there had been no improvement whatsoever, that Beethoven realized his deafness was an incurable affliction, and this was probably the last straw, the event that made the cup overflow and led him to contemplate suicide. Certainly, other motives may have contributed to such a state: his unhappy love affairs with Giulietta Guicciardi and Josephine von Brunsvik, the difficulties in obtaining a theatre for concerts given for his benefit. But, as Solomon emphasizes, one must not forget that Beethoven’s character had been marked since youth by tendencies toward misanthropy, mood swings, and an inclination to isolation, traits that also conditioned his obstinate and aggressive behaviour. There is no doubt, however, that the progressive deafness was the decisive event in shaping, at that time, this psychological condition.

We also have a vivid description of it in the episode recounted by Ries, telling how Beethoven became sullen when, during a walk with him, he was unable to hear the sound of a distant flute. Yet one is tempted to wonder whether Ries did not retrospectively exaggerate the episode to which Beethoven alludes in the Testament, an episode of which Ries was certainly aware when he wrote his memoirs, later published in 1838.

Several aspects of this confession are striking, written by Beethoven not only for his brothers but so that “the world [might] be reconciled with him” after his death. As Solomon notes, “there are moments of sincere pathos, yet so interwoven with deliberately dramatic attitudes as to lead us to think that this document is a fair copy, carefully written,” of an earlier draft later purged of its original emotional excess. And indeed it must be a copy, for its appearance is neat, orderly, and without erasures—quite unlike what one usually observes in Beethoven’s writings. Solomon is also not entirely convinced by the repeated references to suicide and the insistent appeals to ‘virtue’ and ‘my art,’ which supposedly saved him. But perhaps it is better to be simpler and take it for what it is: the outpouring of an anguished man, who had every reason to be so, written at a time when the psychological subtleties of today’s psychologists and psychoanalysts had not yet been invented as necessary corollaries to human suffering.

Two further elements have contributed to puzzling scholars. The first: the name of the brother Johann is never written alongside that of Carl; and Beethoven wrote the names of his two brothers only on very rare occasions in letters and documents throughout his life. But since this was a testament, naming them as heirs, Beethoven may have been uncertain which of Johann’s names—he was Nikolaus Johann—should be used for legal purposes. Yet the same issue should have arisen for his brother Carl, whose full name was Caspar Carl. In fact, Tyson later observed that the space for the two names had been left blank and filled in only afterwards, with a different ink! The second point lies in the fact that, in the postscript dated 10 October, Beethoven uses the familiar “thou,” writing “thus I bid thee farewell.” Farewell to whom? To the house? To the place where he had hoped to regain his hearing? In any case, it is a farewell not to life, but to something that opens future prospects, for immediately afterwards Beethoven’s artistic production would reach new heights with the Eroica Symphony, the Waldstein and Kreutzer Sonatas, the oratorio Christ on the Mount of Olives, and other minor compositions.

All those who have concerned themselves with studying the psychological aspects of Beethoven’s life have emphasized the fact that throughout his entire existence there was a contrast between his evident success—though at times tinged with financial difficulties—and a state of dissatisfaction and often of despair. A period in which this contrast is clearly reflected is that of the early 1800s. The years 1800 and 1801 were those in which Beethoven was the protagonist of a clear affirmation within Viennese musical life. On 2 April 1800 he obtained the theatre in order to give his first public concert for his own benefit, a concert during which, in addition to works by Haydn and Mozart, his First Symphony, the Septet Op. 20, and the Piano Concerto Op. 15 were performed, with Beethoven himself at the keyboard. Shortly thereafter his fame was well consolidated by the success of the music for the ballet The Creatures of Prometheus, which in 1801–1802 was performed no fewer than twenty‑three times. Yet despite these successes Beethoven was on the verge of falling victim to what was perhaps the gravest crisis of anguish and depression in which he ever found himself involved. All this is reflected in the celebrated letter of 29 June [1801] to Franz Wegeler in Bonn [A.51]:

“You wish to have news of my situation. Well, on the whole it is not even bad. My compositions bring me a good deal, and I can say that I receive more commissions than I am able to carry out. Moreover, for each work I can count on six or seven publishers, or even more, if I wish; they no longer even bargain with me—I set a price, and they pay. If I see a friend in difficulty, and the state of my finances does not at that moment allow me to help him, it is enough for me to sit down at my desk and compose, and thus I am able to come to his aid. I live immersed in my music, and scarcely do I finish one piece than I begin another. At the pace at which I now compose, I often produce three or four works simultaneously. But that jealous demon, my wretched health, has thrown a spoke in my wheel; and the result is that my hearing, over the last three years, has grown ever weaker. It seems that the cause of this ailment is to be attributed to the condition of my abdomen; I have been perpetually afflicted by diarrhoea. The treatment has had no effect: the deafness has worsened, and my abdomen remains as before. A more sensible doctor prescribed the usual tepid baths in the Danube; my stomach has improved. The deafness, however, persists—indeed, I would say it has grown worse. This winter I was extremely ill, for I suffered truly terrible colics. I remained in this state until four weeks ago, when I went to Vering. Well, he has succeeded in almost completely overcoming that violent diarrhoea, but my ears continue to whistle and buzz. I confess to you that I am dragging out a very miserable life. For almost two years I have ceased taking part in any social activity because it is impossible for me to say to people: I am deaf. If my profession were another, but in my case it is a terrible obstacle. If my enemies were to learn of it, what would they say? To give you an idea of this strange deafness, I shall tell you that at the theatre I must place myself very close to the orchestra in order to understand the actor’s words; at a certain distance I cannot hear the high notes of instruments or voices. As for conversation, it is surprising that some have never noticed my deafness; but since I have always been subject to excessive distraction, they attribute my weakness of hearing to that. At times, moreover, I can scarcely hear a person who speaks in a low voice; I can hear the sounds but cannot distinguish the words. But if someone shouts, I cannot bear it.”

God alone knows what will become of me. Already I have cursed my Creator and my existence many times. Plutarch has taught me the path of resignation. If it is possible, I shall defy my destiny, although I believe that as long as I live there will be moments in which I shall be the most wretched creature of God. Resignation—miserable resource! And yet it is all that remains to me. Two days later his anguish boils over in a letter to Karl Amenda [1 June 1801, K.50]:

“Your Beethoven leads a truly unhappy life, and is in anger with Nature and the Creator; many times already have I cursed Him for having abandoned His creatures… Know then that my noblest faculty, my hearing, has greatly deteriorated… You will realize how sad my life now is, cut off from all that is dearest and most precious to me; my best years will slip away without my being able to accomplish all that my talent and my strength have demanded of me. Sad resignation, in which I am forced to seek refuge. It is useless to say that I am resolved to struggle against everything, but in what manner? Well, now I feel capable of anything. Since you left I have composed music of every kind, except operas and sacred music.”

This state of extreme tension experienced a phase of remission thanks to a new infatuation and probably also to the fact that he had found a new physician who took care of him and rekindled in him the hope of a cure. On 16 November [1801] he writes again to Wegeler [A.54]:

“It would be difficult for you to believe how empty and sad my life has been during the last two years. The weakness of my hearing pursued me everywhere like a spectre, and I avoided all human society. I must have appeared a misanthrope, whereas I am not so at all. This transformation is due to a dear, enchanting young girl who loves me and whom I love. After two years I again have some moments of beatitude, and for the first time I feel that marriage might bring me happiness. Unfortunately she is not of my class, and at present I certainly could not marry—I must continue to exert myself with all my energies. If it were not for my deafness I would long ago have travelled half the world; and it is something I must do—for I know no greater pleasure than to put my art into practice and exercise it.”

For some time my physical energies have been increasing more and more, as have my mental faculties. Each day brings me ever closer to the goal that I sense but cannot describe. I shall seize Fate by the throat; it shall certainly not succeed in bending me and crushing me completely.” The young girl to whom Beethoven refers is almost certainly the sixteen‑year‑old Countess Giulietta Guicciardi, one of his piano pupils.

Despite these conflicts and these periods of anguish, in these years Beethoven’s creativity reached one of its summits, taking shape in a series of works that, according to many critics, mark the attainment of his fullest mastery of the classical style. In 1800 he completed the Six Quartets Op. 18; the Septet Op. 20; the First Symphony Op. 21; the Third Piano Concerto Op. 37; the Sonata Op. 22, in addition to other minor pieces. Even more remarkable was the production of 1801: The Creatures of Prometheus

(In his early Viennese years) the soft seductions of Vienna envelop him and conquer him; but a terrible crisis forces him to withdraw into himself, a physical and moral crisis which, after having long smouldered, explodes in 1802. The deafness that had threatened him since 1796 or 1797 settles into his ears: at first he struggles, he dissimulates, he wishes to deceive others and himself, he pretends to be distracted, but in vain; the pitiless truth is there: he no longer hears. At the same time he falls in love with Giulietta Guicciardi, that “magical young girl”: he believes himself loved, despite the disparity of their social conditions, and forgets his affliction. But soon the coquette slips away from him, to marry that adventurer Gallenberg. Sick, infirm, betrayed, wounded in body and soul, Beethoven dreams of dying. Plutarch dissuades him. In obedience to him, Beethoven—when everything abandons him—seeks a new reason for living; he finds it in his art. “My art, it alone has held me back,” he writes in the Heiligenstadt Testament. “Ah, it seemed impossible to me to leave this world before having created all those works which I felt the imperious need to compose.” Music will henceforth stand for everything: for health, for love, for pleasure, for diversion. Only this art will no longer resemble what it had been until then, a means of entertaining amateurs. Separated from the world by the wall—each day thicker—of his deafness, rejected by Giulietta, he will confide to his art his sorrows and his joys.

Thus, at the end of 1802, he declares himself little satisfied with his earlier works and announces a new manner, whose first fruits are the Sonata Op. 31 No. 2 and the Eroica Symphony. From this moment on, as he deepens and renews his art, Beethoven discovers within it a kind of philosophy that became his religion and his morality. Art becomes the ideal world, the only one in which to find friends, and which he must create himself: “To transport oneself into the heaven of art; there is no purer joy than that which comes from there.” “Music is a revelation higher than wisdom and philosophy.” “There is nothing higher than to draw nearer to the divinity more than other men, and from there to shed the rays of that divinity upon the human race.” But the artist is compelled to an endless effort that will never make him equal to the infinite, but will bring him ever nearer to it. In 1812 he will write: “The artist sees that art has no limits; he feels dimly how far he is from the goal, and while others may admire him, he laments not yet having arrived there where a better genius shines for him only like a distant sun.” The artist, though he will never rest in the promised land that his imagination glimpses, may alleviate the torments that oppress him, and attain joy through suffering.

The Heiligenstadt Testament

Ludwig van Beethoven, 6 October 1802 (with postscript of 10 October)

For my brothers Carl and [Johann] Beethoven.

O you men who think of me or describe me as ill‑tempered, surly, or even misanthropic, how greatly you wrong me! You do not know the secret cause that makes me appear thus to you. My heart and my mind, from childhood onward, were inclined toward the gentle feeling of benevolence, and I have always been ready to perform generous deeds. Yet consider that for six years I have been struck by a grave affliction, worsened through the fault of incompetent physicians. Year after year my hopes of recovery have been gradually frustrated, and at last I have been forced to accept the prospect of a chronic illness (whose cure may require years, or may be altogether impossible).

Though endowed with an ardent and lively temperament, indeed sensitive to the attractions of society, I was soon compelled to withdraw, to spend my life in solitude. And if at times I resolved not to give weight to my infirmity, alas, with what cruelty was I then thrust back by the sad, renewed experience of the weakness of my hearing. Yet I could not bring myself to say to people: “Speak louder, shout, for I am deaf.”

How could I, alas, confess the weakness of a sense which in me ought to be more refined than in other men, and which once reached in me the highest degree of perfection—a degree of perfection that few in my profession surely possess or have ever possessed? No, I cannot do so; forgive me, therefore, if at times you see me stand apart from your company, which once it was dear to me to seek. My misfortune makes me suffer doubly, for it causes me to be misunderstood. For me there can be no solace in the company of men, no elevated conversations nor mutual confidences. Forced to live entirely alone, I can slip into society only when the most pressing necessities demand it; I must live like a proscribed man.

If I am among others, I am overcome by a burning anxiety, by the fear of running the risk that my condition be noticed—and so it has been even during these six months I have spent in the countryside. Urging me to spare my hearing as much as possible, that sensible man, my physician, has more or less encouraged my present natural disposition, although at times, seduced by the desire for company, I have allowed myself to be tempted to seek it. But what humiliation I felt when someone near me heard the sound of a flute in the distance and I heard nothing, or heard the song of a shepherd and again I heard nothing.

Such experiences brought me to the brink of despair, and little was lacking for me to put an end to my life. My art—only it has held me back. Ah, it seemed impossible to me to leave this world before having created all those works which I felt the imperious need to compose; and thus I have dragged on this wretched existence—truly wretched, since my body, so sensitive, can at any moment hurl me from the best state of mind into the most anguishing despair.

Patience—they tell me that this is the virtue I must now choose as my guide; and now I possess it.

May my resolve to endure until the end be lasting, I hope, until the inexorable Fates shall choose to sever the thread; perhaps my condition will improve, perhaps not—at any rate, I am now resigned. Almighty God, who lookest into the depths of my soul, who seest my heart and knowest that it is filled with love for humanity and with the desire to do good. O men, if one day you read these words of mine, remember that you have wronged me; and let the unhappy man take comfort in the thought of having found another unhappy one who, despite all the obstacles imposed by nature, has done all that lay in his power to raise himself to the rank of noble artists and worthy men.

And you, my brothers Carl and [Johann], after my death, if Professor Schmidt is still alive, ask him in my name to give an account of my infirmity, and attach this writing of mine to his document, so that, at least after my death, the world and I may be reconciled, as far as possible. At the same time I hereby declare you both heirs of my small property (if I may call it such). Divide it justly, live in harmony, and help one another. The wrong you have done me, you know, has long since been forgiven. I thank you once more, especially you, brother Carl, for the affection you have shown me in these last years. My wish is that your life may be more serene and less burdened with cares than mine.

Recommend virtue to your children; for only virtue can make one happy, not money. I speak from experience. It was virtue that sustained me in suffering. To it, as well as to my art, I owe the fact that I did not end my life by suicide. Farewell, and love one another. I thank all my friends, especially Prince Lichnowsky and Professor Schmidt. I should like the instruments of Prince L[ichnowsky] to be kept by one of you, provided this does not lead to quarrels between you. Should they serve a more useful purpose, then sell them; how glad I shall be if I can still be of use to you even in the grave.

Well, this is all. With joy I go to meet Death—if it should come before I have had the opportunity to develop all my artistic capacities, then, despite the harshness of my fate, it would come too soon; and undoubtedly I should wish to delay its arrival. Yet I should be content even so; would it not free me from a state of endless suffering? Come then, Death, whenever thou wilt, I shall meet thee courageously.

Farewell; do not wholly forget me after my death. I deserve to be remembered by you, for in my life I have often thought of you and sought to make you happy. Be happy.

Ludwig van Beethoven For my brothers Carl and [Johann] To be read after my death.

Heiligenstadt, 10 October 1802

Thus I take leave of you—and with such sadness besides. Yes, the hope I cherished—the hope I brought with me here, of being cured at least in part—that hope I must now wholly abandon. As in autumn the leaves fall and wither, so has that hope now withered entirely for me. I leave this place almost in the same condition in which I arrived. Even the great courage that so often inspired me in the beautiful days of summer has now vanished.

O Providence, grant me yet one day of pure joy. For so long now I have not known the inner echo of true joy. O when—when, Almighty God—shall I feel again that echo in the temple of Nature and in communion with humanity? Never? No! That would be too cruel.

As M. Cooper observes, Beethoven was proud and felt self‑sufficient, superior to the things of the world; yet this pride of his, this certainty that he could face all of life’s adversities alone, was broken by the onset of deafness. It was this—many have pointed it out, and M. Cooper writes it explicitly—“that slowly and painfully transformed the tempestuous, highly extroverted composer of the youthful and middle‑period works into the introspective and contemplative visionary of the final decade.” Deafness was, in essence, not an obstacle to his creativity but one of the forces that enabled him to reach the outer boundaries of his art.

The first signs of deafness can be traced back to 1798; Beethoven sees it looming and becomes certain of his fate, with all the consequences that such a condition entails for a musician, around 1801, when he speaks of it to Wegeler in a confidential letter. In the letter of 29 June 1801 [E.65] he wrote: “Often I have cursed the Creator and my existence; Plutarch has brought me to resignation; if otherwise possible I wish to defy my destiny, yet there will be moments in life when I shall be the most unhappy of God’s creatures. … I beg you to say nothing to anyone … I confide this to you only as a secret. … Resignation, what a wretched refuge, and yet it is the only one left to me.”

His despair would erupt in the Heiligenstadt Testament of 1802. This document has been read in different ways by various scholars. There are those who, especially in earlier times, overwhelmed by admiration for the musician, emphasized only its deeply human aspect; and those who, while acknowledging a core of sincerity, have wished to detect in it notes of self‑pity and even of self‑indulgence [!?], casting doubt on the suicidal thoughts reported there. But I believe that sincerity is the fundamental quality of this letter, as revealed by the clarity with which he perceives his impending fate: “Year after year my hopes of recovery have been gradually frustrated … Though endowed with an ardent, lively temperament, indeed sensitive to the attractions of society, I was soon compelled to withdraw, to spend my life in solitude. … How could I, alas, confess the weakness of a sense which in me ought to be more refined than in other men. … To be forced to become a philosopher at barely twenty‑eight is truly no easy thing, and for an artist it is harder than for anyone else. … Patience—they tell me that this is the virtue I must now choose as my guide; and now I possess it—May my resolve to endure until the end be lasting, I hope, until the inexorable Fates shall choose to sever the thread.”

And from now on Beethoven would be called to give continual proof of resignation. Ten years after the Heiligenstadt Testament, when his deafness was by then fully manifest, two notes from 1812 in his persönliche Aufzeichnungen allow us to understand what his psychological state had become, now that his youthful amorous illusions had faded: “Submission, the deepest submission to your destiny. Only this can sacrifices grant you—towards professional duty. — Oh, hard struggle! …” “Endurance. Resignation. Resignation. Thus we overcome even the blackest misery and make ourselves worthy, so that God [may redeem] our sins.”

From the Letters

Beethoven had little familiarity with writing, something of which he was not at all ashamed and which he himself publicly acknowledged. He once wrote to Simrock, on 28 November 1820 [K.986], “I would rather write 10,000 notes than a single letter of the alphabet”; and to Wegeler, on 7 December 1826 [A.1542], “Often I already have the reply ready in my head, yet when I then wish to put it down in writing, most of the time I throw the pen away, because I am unable to write what I feel.” And in the only letter certainly authentic to Bettina Brentano, dated 10 February 1811 [K.262], he writes: “Although I do not write to you so often, although you never see me, in my thoughts I write you a thousand times a thousand letters.”

Today we know of approximately 1,600 of his letters. Of many the manuscript has survived; of others the manuscript has been lost, and we know them thanks to transcriptions or citations by nineteenth‑century scholars. A certain number, which we must consider lost, are mentioned in writings by or about those who received them: for example, the letters written to Carl Maria von Weber on 16 February, 10 April, and 9 June 1823, connected with the triumphant performance of Fidelio conducted in Dresden by Weber on 29 April, are cited in the composer’s biography written by his son, Max Maria von Weber. Yet there remains hope that many of these letters may suddenly reappear, as happened with the thirteen letters to Josephine Deym Brunsvik, discovered in 1957 and published by Joseph Schmidt‑Görg, or that others may come to light, given that many of Beethoven’s letters are scattered in private collections throughout the world—from the Old Continent to the Americas to Japan.

Today we have at our disposal truly extraordinary editions of Beethoven’s letters. The following volumes have been consulted here:

  1. Ludwig van Beethoven sämtliche Briefe, edited by Emerich Kastner, completely reworked and substantially expanded in the new edition by Dr. Julius Kapp, published in Leipzig by Hesse & Becker Verlag in 1923, containing 1,474 letters.
  2. The Letters of Beethoven, edited by Emily Anderson, also published in Italy in 1968 as Le lettere di Beethoven [ILTE, Turin].
  3. Ludwig van Beethoven. Briefwechsel Gesamtausgabe, published in 1996 [G. Henle Verlag, Munich], of which the first five volumes also appeared in Italy between 1999 and 2005 under the title Ludwig van Beethoven. Epistolario, edited by the Accademia Nazionale di Santa Cecilia [Skira, Milan].

In the editions of Anderson and Kastner only Beethoven’s letters are collected—those written in his own hand and those written by others on his behalf, especially in foreign languages, or during periods of illness and in the final weeks of his life, and merely signed by him. The Epistolario, on the other hand, also gathers all known letters written to Beethoven—many preserved, many now lost but whose contents are known. It also includes many letters written on his behalf for business matters, and not even signed by him, such as the numerous letters written by his brother Carl to Breitkopf & Härtel between 1802 and 1805, offering works for publication, and which presumably express Beethoven’s intentions and are therefore considered “his” letters.

Reading Beethoven’s letters has at times been difficult for scholars because of the imprecision of his handwriting, a certain strangeness in the shape of his characters, and his habit of tracing entirely different letters with an identical stroke. Erasures and corrections are frequent—except in a few letters—which has led to the suspicion that the text of these was prepared for him by others, and that Beethoven merely copied it. It is probable that even the Heiligenstadt Testament was recopied from a rough draft, so clean is its final form.

Beethoven’s manner of writing is based on a rather limited vocabulary and phraseology, concise and directed rapidly to the heart of the matter. The style is usually clumsy. Errors in sentence construction and grammar are very frequent; punctuation often appears approximate, with frequent use of slashes to separate clauses.

Very often the references to the subjects treated are approximate, merely allusive, as though the Master were certain that the recipient was perfectly informed about what he was saying. The simplest example is that of his works, which are always cited merely as “a sonata,” “a Lied,” without further specification.

Many times the letters bore no indication of date, or Beethoven even wrote an incorrect date. The date can be determined precisely if the recipient noted it upon receiving the letter, or if the letter was written a few days before or after well‑documented events; somewhat more approximately on the basis of the address or the place where the letter was written, or the name of the recipient (which sometimes is missing), or the subject treated.

Thus it is understandable that in the various editions of Beethoven’s letters—including the three just mentioned—there should be discrepancies of several years in the dating of certain letters. For these reasons, at times, reconstructing the subjects treated, based only on hints or on the work referred to, has been an arduous task for scholars. For example, a reliable dating of certain letters written by others and signed by Beethoven, but without a date, was possible only through identifying the hand of the actual writer, and the dating had to be shifted by more than ten years. The most striking case is that of a letter in French, without address or date, long believed to be directed to Count Rasumovsky in 1806 [A.135] and thought to concern the Op. 59 Quartets, which was instead written in 1825 for Prince Galitzin and concerned the Quartets Op. 127, 132, and 130 [E.2026].

Despite certain difficulties, Beethoven’s letters are an extremely important source of information about various events in his life. For example, it has been possible to reconstruct many of his continual changes of residence, his summer retreats, and his (few) journeys on the basis of the addresses or locations indicated on the letters. But above all, the letters offer a cross‑section of Beethoven’s character. Written often on impulse after an unpleasant event, they show the Master flaring up in anger and showering harsh words upon the supposed culprits and the unfortunate recipient. Likewise, they are at times filled with insults and accusations of incompetence and asinine stupidity directed at copyists, printers, and publishers. Those aspects of Beethoven’s personality that manifested themselves in coarse humour (which Bekker defined as “boar‑like humour”) or in gestures of contempt, those difficulties in self‑control that sometimes erupted into moments of verbal violence and offensive intolerance, have been mercilessly transmitted to posterity for eternity in his letters.

Many of these outbursts coincide with difficult moments in his life—the onset of deafness, the crises surrounding the guardianship of his nephew, sentimental disillusionments, and the (supposed?) financial constraints; yet at times they surface even in moments of apparent calm. Victims of these explosions were also those who, historically, can only appear as true friends, such as Zmeskall, the devoted companion who often helped him solve countless daily problems, and Schuppanzigh, the faithful champion of his music. These coarse eruptions of verbal intolerance were usually followed by a torrent of apologies or kind words, revealing how fully he himself realized the wrong he had done or the harshness of his words.

Today we justify all this by pointing to his emotional and temperamental instability, his inability to control himself—due certainly to hereditary factors (both constitutional and acquired; alcoholism appears repeatedly among his forebears) and to his upbringing (one need only think of his relationship with his father). On the other hand, many letters are proof of his goodness of heart, his friendly devotion, and his undeniable desire to do good, as he wrote, “for poor suffering humanity.”

The few love letters reflect quite faithfully the emotional state of a man for whom love—deep and faithful as he conceived it—was a goal that receded with each new experience and remained forever unattainable. Among these letters one must recall those to the Immortal Beloved and some of those addressed to Josephine Deym Brunsvik. Other letters clearly reveal the humorous side of Beethoven’s character: full of wordplay, nicknames, and double meanings, they also show his playful yet at the same time authoritarian way of treating friends or the unfortunate souls who willingly helped him and with whom he sometimes maintained relations and tolerated, in his own words, “for what they do for me.”

A great many letters, naturally, have to do with his music. Most concern problems of copying and printing, and negotiations with publishers. And from some of them one immediately realizes how, at times, Beethoven was not always entirely transparent in his dealings, when he attempted to sell the same work to several publishers simultaneously. Or how, on many occasions, he boasted of works as already completed when they were barely sketched or existed only “in his head.” Other letters refer to performances of his works, both public and in private palaces: the search for performers, the renting of halls, the approval of the authorities, estimates of expenses and revenue.

What perhaps strikes one most is that from Beethoven’s correspondence practically no information can be gleaned about his poetics. There are no aesthetic or musical reflections; nothing transpires of Beethoven’s artistic personality, of his way of composing, save for rare exceptions. For example, in a letter to Schlesinger of 13 November 1821 [E.1446] he writes that in composing he was accustomed to “note down certain ideas and, when I have the whole work in my head, I put everything into writing, but only once.” Otherwise, on composition and on art everything is limited to brief phrases or statements from which one must attempt to draw deductions.

A recurring topic is that of benefit concerts and the gift of works to be performed for charitable purposes, with repeated affirmations of his desire to serve the weak and the suffering.

The letters are also a veritable medical bulletin of Beethoven’s ailments: in certain periods they refer, almost obsessively, to health problems.

Not least are the domestic problems. Changes of residence and, above all, issues with the servants occupy much space. There emerges that way of considering servants as inferior and despicable beings, the truly uncivil manner in which Beethoven treated them, even resorting to force, as when he threw a pile of books at the housekeeper’s head. And all these problems find confirmation in the Conversation Books and in certain notes written on calendars that were copied after his death. Finally, much is learned about Beethoven’s culinary tastes and the wines he preferred.

The text of the letters reproduced here is that found in the volumes Le lettere di Beethoven by Emily Anderson, ILTE, Turin 1968; in the Epistolario published by Skira under the auspices of the Accademia Nazionale di Santa Cecilia, 1999–2003; but there are also translations from the collection Ludwig van Beethovens sämtliche Briefe. Herausgegeben von Emerich Kastner (Hesse & Becker Verlag, Leipzig 1923). The number, usually in square brackets after the date, corresponds to the number of the letter in the consulted edition. If preceded by A., it refers to Anderson’s edition; if by E., to the Skira Epistolario; if by K., to Kastner’s edition. If a letter is cited in a book or essay, the date and number of the letter are given, followed by the name of the author of the book or essay. The words of the letter quoted in the text are placed in quotation marks. The space devoted here to the letters is relatively small because many of them—those relating to the genesis and first performances of the works, to relations with copyists, publishers, singers, friends, patrons, or to various events in the Master’s life—are presented in the other chapters.

In the letter in which he confesses his deafness to Amenda he also writes: “How sadly must I now live, to leave everything I love and hold dear … and then with such miserable, selfish men as [Zmeskall, Schuppanzigh] etc. I must say that among the others the most trustworthy is Lichnowsky; he has allotted me 600 florins … Now, for my consolation, a man has returned with whom I can share the pleasure of company and disinterested friendship; he is one of my friends of youth [Stephan von Breuning, with whom, however, years later he would fall into conflict, to the point of not seeing him for years!]. … he too cannot like Zmeskall; he is and remains too feeble for friendship. I consider him and Schuppanzigh only as instruments on which, when it pleases me, I play, but they can never become things for my inner or outer activity, nor will they ever truly participate in my life; I value them only according to what they do for me.”

L

Letter of 10 June 1801, to Karl Amenda [K.50]

(Nota: i nomi Zmeskall e Schuppanzigh compaiono solo nell’edizione Skira, E.67)

“Dearest Baron Sanitation Department … yesterday, with your Zmeskall‑Domanoveczian chatter, you made me utterly miserable. Go to the devil, I want to hear nothing of all your morality; strength is the morality of men who distinguish themselves from others, and it is mine as well. And if you begin again today in the same tone, I shall torment you so thoroughly that you will end by finding everything I do good and praiseworthy. Adieu Baron, Ba…ron, ron/nor/orn/rno/onr. Voilà quelque chose from the old Monte di Pietà.”

Letter to N. Zmeskall von Domanovecz, 1798 [K.24]

A. “Do not come to me again! You are a false dog, and may the hangman come and take false dogs.”

B. “Nazerl of my heart! You are an honest lad and you are right, which I acknowledge. Come to me this afternoon, then. You will also find Schuppanzigh, and we two want to scold you, torment you, shake you so that you may have your joy from it. Your Beethoven kisses you, also called the heap of flour.”

Notes to Johann Nepomuk Hummel, written on two successive days in Vienna, probably 1799 [K.36, K.37]

(Poiché manca il manoscritto originale e “Nazerl” è diminutivo di Ignaz, alcuni suppongono che i biglietti fossero per Ignaz von Gleichenstein — Anderson.)

“I told you already yesterday that I would not accept your ticket. You should know me well enough not to believe me capable of depriving a friend of a pleasure in order to offer that pleasure to someone else. I stand by what I said, and herewith I return the ticket to you. I am glad not to be so inconstant as to change my opinion every moment, but rather to adhere strictly to what I say.”

Letter to N. Zmeskall von Domanovecz, 24 March 1799 [A.31]

“Most beloved Count of Music! [in Italian] Yes, dearest Count [in Italian], my trusted friend [in Italian], times are bad, our treasury is empty, revenues come in poorly, and we, most gracious Sir, are compelled to deign to ask you for a loan of 5 gulden.”

Letter to N. Zmeskall von Domanovecz, 1799? [K.38]

“I would have liked to answer your questions several times already, but when it comes to writing I am frightfully lazy, and it takes a great deal before I write the dry letters of the alphabet instead of notes.”

Letter to F. A. Hoffmeister, 15 December 1800 [K.42]

“There ought to exist in the world a market of art (Magazin der Kunst) where the artist should bring only his works and take the money he needs. But as things now stand, an artist is forced to be, in a certain sense, a businessman as well.”**

Letter to F. A. Hoffmeister, [15] January 1801 [E.54]

“Recommend to your reviewers greater intelligence and prudence, especially regarding the productions of young authors; someone who might otherwise go far could be discouraged by them. As for myself, I am far from considering myself near that perfection which admits no blame; yet the clamour of your reviewer was at first so disheartening that, beginning to compare myself with other composers, I could scarcely dwell upon it. I remained entirely calm and thought: they understand nothing; and all the more tranquil could I remain when I considered how men are exalted who here, locally, count for little among the best—and here almost disappear, however good they may be. But now pax vobiscum; peace to them and to me; I would not have said a syllable about this had it not been done by you.”

In dealing with Steiner and Tobias Haslinger, his publishers, Beethoven often referred to an imaginary army in which he himself was the “Commander‑in‑Chief,” Steiner the “Sub‑lieutenant,” Haslinger the “Aide‑de‑camp,” and the ducats the “Armed Men.” In one of his letters (A.1345) Beethoven imagines a humorous biography of Tobias Haslinger. Beethoven’s letters to Tobias are also full of wordplay, jokes, and teasing about his Salzburg accent, as well as “musical jokes,” short musical phrases built on the name To‑bi‑as.

In 1821 he wrote him a three‑voice canon (WoO 182) on the name Tobias, which he sent in a letter from Baden on 10 September 1821 [A.1056], saying:

“Yesterday, while I was travelling toward Vienna in a carriage, I fell asleep. Well then, while I was dozing I dreamed that I was travelling to the farthest parts of the world, as far as Syria, and in the end I even arrived in Jerusalem. The Holy City turned my thoughts toward the Sacred Books. Thus it is no wonder that at that moment I began to think of my friend Tobias; and naturally, our little Tobiuccio and his ‘pertobiare’ must also have crossed my mind. And so, during this journey made in a dream, the following canon came to me:” [here the basic musical phrase of the canon is written]

“But as soon as I awoke, the canon had vanished completely, and I could no longer recall even a single note. However, the next day, while returning to Baden in the same vehicle (a vehicle for a poor Austrian musician), and continuing the journey I had made in my dream the day before—this time, however, fully awake—the same canon came back to me once again.”

This time, being awake, I held it fast as once Menelaus did with Proteus, and allowed it only to transform itself into a canon for three voices: [and here the three‑voice canon is written]. Farewell. We always hope that you will never have to justify the title of publisher and never find yourself embarrassed, but that you may continue to be a publisher without embarrassment [wordplay between Verleger – publisher and verlegen – embarrassed]. Sing every day the Epistles of Saint Paul, go every Sunday to Father Werner [a very fashionable preacher at the time], who will point out to you the little book suitable to make you go straight to Heaven. You see how much I care for your spiritual well‑being. In short, I shall remain always, with the greatest pleasure, from eternity to eternity, your most faithful debtor,

Beethoven.

1. Letter to Bernhard Schotte Söhne (22 January 1825) and Tobias Haslinger (10 september 1821)

“This time, being awake, I held it fast as once Menelaus did with Proteus, and allowed it only to transform itself into a canon for three voices: [here the three‑voice canon is written]. Farewell. We always hope that you will never have to justify the title of publisher and never find yourself embarrassed, but that you may continue to be a publisher without embarrassment [wordplay between Verleger = publisher and verlegen = embarrassed]. Sing every day the Epistles of Saint Paul, go every Sunday to Father Werner [a very fashionable preacher at the time], who will point out to you the little book suitable to make you go straight to Heaven. You see how much I care for your spiritual well‑being. In short, I shall remain always, with the greatest pleasure, from eternity to eternity, your most faithful debtor, Beethoven.”


2. Letter to Breitkopf & Härtel, 22 April 1801 [K.47]

“A friend has told me the amount that has been collected for the daughter of the immortal god of Harmony [Regina Susanna, last daughter of Johann Sebastian Bach, who later died on 14 December 1809]; I was astonished at the small sum that Germany—indeed her own Germany—has gathered for this venerable person, for the merits of her father. This suggests to me the idea: what if I were to publish something by subscription for the benefit of this person, and make known to the public the sum and the income of the whole year, so as to protect myself from any attack? You could do more for this than anyone. Write to me quickly how this can best be arranged, lest this Bach die before we act—before this little stream [Bach in German means “brook”] dries up and we can no longer drink from it.”**


3. Letter to Karl Amenda, 1 July 1801 [A.53]

“Your Beethoven has a very unhappy life, in struggle with Nature and the Creator. More than once I have cursed the latter, because He has arranged His creatures in such a way that even the most beautiful flower may be destroyed and cut down. Know that the noblest part of me, my hearing, has greatly diminished. Already when you were still with me I noticed some symptoms, but I kept silent; now it has grown steadily worse. I do not know whether I shall ever recover. Oh, how happy I would be if I had my hearing perfect! Thus I must keep myself apart from everything; for playing and composing my affliction counts less—the worst is in dealings with people. What I have told you about my hearing I beg you to guard as a great secret and not to confide it to anyone.”


4. Letter to J. Varena, 19 July 1812 [K.339]

(Beethoven was thanking the Ursuline Ladies for the sweets they had sent him and was refusing any honorarium)

“If, moreover, the Reverend Ladies wish to be sure of doing something good for me, let them, together with their pupils, include my name in their prayers.”


5. Letter to F. A. Hoffmeister, June 1801 [K.51]

“I am somewhat astonished at what your agent here has made you say; and what disgusts me is that you should consider me capable of such a base trick. It would be another matter if I had negotiated my things with greedy little merchants and then secretly made a good speculation. But artist against artist—it is rather strong to expect such a thing of me. It seems to me that all this is either contrived, or meant to test me, or merely a supposition. In any case, know that before you received my Septet I had sent it to Mr. Solomon in London (so that it might be performed at his concert, and this was done only out of friendship), but with the recommendation that he take care it not fall into foreign hands, for I am determined to have it printed in Germany. If you find it necessary, you may inquire of him directly. But to give you further proof of my uprightness, I here assure you that the Septet [Op. 20], the Concerto [Op. 19], the Symphony [Op. 21], and the Sonata [Op. 22] I have sold to no one else in the world but you, Messrs. Hofmeister and Kühnel, and that you may consider these works your exclusive property; I answer for this on my honour. You may use this assurance of mine in any case you wish.”


The Conversation Books

The Conversation Books were a vital necessity for Beethoven. From 1818 onward they were the only means that allowed the deaf man to remain in communication with the world. They consist of small booklets, 12 × 18 cm, containing a variable number of pages, on which Beethoven’s interlocutors wrote their questions, their replies, or set out their opinions. Unfortunately, Beethoven’s own replies are naturally missing: only occasionally—sometimes when he found himself in public places and did not wish to be overheard—did he jot down his own responses.

Reading the Conversation Books therefore places us in the curious position of a spectator who, in the theatre, during a long dialogue between two actors, is allowed to hear only the voice of one of them. The other’s replies must be imagined, on the basis of the subsequent lines of the actor who is audible, of the circumstances in which the scene takes place, of what can be understood from the actors’ gestures and behaviour, from what is happening around them, and so forth. The same applies to the Conversation Books: one must imagine Beethoven’s reply.

This is often possible if one knows who the interlocutor was, where and when the conversation took place, or on the basis of how the question was formulated, or if—through what contemporary letters tell us about the same subject—we can understand what was being discussed. But many times Beethoven could have given two replies, both plausible yet diametrically opposed. Reading the Conversation Books is therefore difficult, and their comprehension cannot be separated from a knowledge of Beethoven’s world in the years in which they were used.

The picture offered by the Conversation Books is, moreover, very limited. Beethoven also used a slate at home, and thus many conversations have been lost. Furthermore, there are periods of the Master’s life for which no Conversation Books survive. The collection we possess is incomplete. Missing are the books covering a period of twelve months from March 1818, and those from September 1820 to June 1822.

After Beethoven’s death the Conversation Books came into the hands of Schindler. Thayer reports that the books numbered “approximately four hundred.” Schindler later claimed to have guarded them jealously for years, but, realizing that no one seemed to have any interest in them and that they took up much space, he decided to eliminate all those which, in his judgment, contained no important information. Thus 137 have remained, which fortunately were ceded by Schindler, in exchange for a life pension, to the Royal Library of Berlin, today the Staatsbibliothek of Berlin.

The merit of having unearthed and published them belongs to Nohl and Schünemann. I have consulted Nohl’s edition, Ludwig van Beethoven Konversationshefte. Herausgegeben und eingeleitet von Walter Nohl, Allgemeine Verlagsanstalt München, 1924, and the fine Italian version of Schünemann’s edition, I quaderni di conversazione di Beethoven, published by ILTE in Turin in 1968, which however ends with Notebook XXXVII of 1823.

Schindler has therefore been accused of having committed an act of outright vandalism. But recently it has been argued that the collection of Conversation Books was probably never as extensive as Thayer believed, and that Schindler’s crime—if crime there was—is far less serious than his accusers have maintained. He would in fact have limited himself to removing those parts of the conversations that seemed to him damaging to the figure of the composer, as he had idealized him and wished to revive him in his Biographie.

Whatever the case, Schindler’s position with regard to the Conversation Books appears very much that of a wrongdoer, for another reason as well. It is certain that he introduced, after the Master’s death, conversations between himself and Beethoven—some of them concerning Beethoven’s manner of composing and the meaning of his music, and others intended to make his own familiarity with Beethoven appear even greater. Today these spurious conversations have been clearly identified, but in the past they were considered authentic, and certain scholars even drew from them important critical conclusions about Beethoven’s art.

The greatest merit of the Conversation Books is that they allow us to penetrate, “in real time,” as we would say today, into the Master’s daily life, and thus they possess great biographical interest. Most of the conversations, however, concern simple matters: problems of everyday life, gossip and slander, news about excellent restaurants; licentious or witty remarks are not lacking. But they also deal with poetry, history, and politics.

Totally absent, instead—except for the spurious material introduced by Schindler—are any pieces of information relating to Beethoven’s poetics or his compositional problems. There is much talk of music, but chiefly of the organization of concerts, performances and sales of the Master’s works, Viennese musical life and the composers active there, and Liszt and Weber make their appearance.

The last conversation is dated 5 March 1827, exactly three weeks before the Master’s death.

Magnani: The Conversation Books will reveal to us secret aspects of his soul; they will document the breadth of his spiritual and human interests, his political passion, his love for history, poetry, and philosophy, and they will show how he constantly aspired to reconnect music with something higher.

Hiller: Conversation with Beethoven had to be conducted partly in writing; he spoke, and his interlocutors were obliged to write their questions and their replies. For this purpose he always had at hand large notebooks of ordinary paper, quarto format, and pencils. He followed with avid eyes the hand that was writing and grasped at a glance—more than he read—what was written there.

von Breuning: One day I read, in the Conversation Book he was using at the time: “Your quartet performed yesterday by Schuppanzigh was not liked.” I showed him the note and asked what he thought of it. “It will please another time,” he replied. “I write as I believe right; I do not let myself be guided by the judgment of contemporaries. I know that I am an artist … a second, a third generation will repay me doubly for the wrongs I have had to endure from my contemporaries.”

From the Conversation Books:

On Mozart: “Mozart’s masterpiece is The Magic Flute; it is there that he revealed himself as a German master. Don Giovanni still has the Italian form; moreover, art should never allow itself to be dishonoured by the madness of such a scandalous subject.”

On his own artistic identity (January 1820, VI): “I do not belong, through my activity [as an artist], to this plebeian mass … [Beethoven probably meant nobles rather than common people]. Socrates and Jesus were my models.”

On social class (January–February 1820, VII): “The bourgeois—and I have happened to be one of them—is destined to remain excluded from the higher classes of society.”

On food and wine (January–February 1820): In the notebooks from the early months of 1820 there are frequent references to his favourite foods—herrings, oysters, game such as pheasants and hares—and to the wines he preferred: the Hungarian Tokay, Ofner, Ruster, but also Bordeaux, and where they might be found. There is also talk of dreadful wines. It was probably these adulterated wines that contributed to the ruin of his liver: the most significant finding of Beethoven’s autopsy was indeed a picture of hepatic cirrhosis.

 [Beethoven, who appears to have been very orderly in his working habits, was otherwise extremely untidy, and at times—caught up in new musical ideas or absorbed by them—let his food grow cold, then judged it inedible and took it out on the servants. Toward the end of Conversation Book XVI, relating to August–September 1820, there are clear allusions to this disorderly way of living and to his outbursts of ill‑humour, in several notes written by Schindler:]

**“It seems that recently you have again stormed terribly during the night, is it true? in the Cum Sancto Spiritu

but do not lock yourself in at night, for no stranger will come into your room, and the housekeeper must sometimes enter.

Then you must resign yourself to all dishes being cooked and overcooked and inedible; and do not thunder (hear! hear!)”** From the Conversation Books, August–September 1820, XVI

**“The error has already been corrected. I asked Bernard whether it had still not been corrected. The error in the Conversations Lexicon according to which you appear as the natural son of the King of Prussia.

In the Conversations Lexicon it is written that you are a natural son of the great Frederick.

Peters: Mr. Janitschek says that you love Frederick the Great so much precisely because he is said to be your father.

Such errors must, however, be corrected. You have no need to receive lustre from Frederick.”** From the Conversation Books, 12–25 December 1819, V; January–February 1820, VII.

[These conversations relate to the rumour that Beethoven was the son of Frederick the Great. The report had appeared in the Encyclopedisches Handwörterbuch für gebildete Stände

Beethoven’s Notes

[If one excludes the large corpus formed by the letters and the many pages of memoranda written during the legal proceedings for the guardianship of his nephew Karl, and leaving aside the Heiligenstadt Testament, few are the writings of Beethoven that remain to us. We have some drafts and sketches for contracts, a dozen or slightly more public notices printed in newspapers to announce concerts or the publication of works, or to warn against pirated editions. There are no writings in which he expresses his ideas on music—his “poetics,” as one would say today—or in which he deals with the political problems of the time, with morality, and so forth.

Some of his ideas on these matters, and certain aspects of his life, personality, and creativity, we know from a few annotations in the Conversation Books, from scattered phrases in the correspondence, or from reports handed down by friends, colleagues, or visitors who caught his words and ideas “on the wing,” so to speak, during their conversations or while listening to him chat in a group of friends.

Another glimpse into Beethoven the man and the composer opens if one reads certain notes he wrote at various periods of his life, for reasons that escape us, on sheets or small notebooks. But it is very little. Beyond the writings already mentioned, what remains are only Notes of various origins, written in a telegraphic style and often difficult to understand, in which the Master alludes to his ideas on composition, morality, literature; to events that had occurred; to projects, and so on.

These Notes were scattered on household calendars (on which one usually finds entries concerning domestic management and financial activities), on loose sheets, on small booklets; at times these Notes were written on the back of pages containing his musical sketches; occasionally Beethoven also made annotations in the Conversation Books. All these Notes have come down to us, unfortunately, mostly in copies—and often second‑ or third‑hand copies; the originals have been lost. These Notes had already been seen, though only in copies, around 1800 by Thayer and Notteboom.

Leitzmann published them in 1918 in a small booklet entitled Beethovens persönliche Aufzeichnungen (Im Insel Verlag, Leipzig 1918, 61 pp.), that is, “Beethoven’s Personal Notes,” and in his commentary he rightly emphasized how difficult it is to understand their meaning, since they are written in a condensed style and usually without any reference to the events to which each note must be related, but also because the originals have been lost and the existing copies—for example the so‑called Fischhoff Manuscript preserved at the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin—certainly contain many transcription errors, due also to Beethoven’s poor handwriting, often difficult to decipher. To this we must add that those who copied or published them, such as Fischhoff or Leitzmann, made additions or modifications to the text in an attempt to improve it.

Let us examine these Notes as they are presented in Leitzmann’s booklet. The booklet is today a bibliographical rarity, difficult to find especially in good condition, given the poor quality of the paper used. Measuring 17 × 12 cm, it consists of 61 pages: the first page is devoted to Leitzmann’s introduction. The material is then gathered, divided into three sections, across 44 pages. The first section contains the Heiligenstadt Testament; the second, Notes numbered from no. 1 to no. 184; the third, 51 quotations, from one to fifteen lines, from Homer’s Odyssey. After the three sections, the remaining 14 pages contain Leitzmann’s commentary, presented separately for each section. In the exposition that follows, I shall adhere to Leitzmann’s numbering.]

Section I

I. Notes nos. 1–6, years 1804–1811

1. 2 June [1804]. Finale ever simpler, likewise all piano music. God alone knows why my piano music still makes the worst impression on me, especially when it is played badly.

Leitzmann’s commentary is taken from Notteboom. It is a note in a sketchbook essentially concerning the preparatory work for Leonora, the first version of Fidelio, amidst work on the second finale.

2. [1806] A weeping willow or an acacia on the grave of my brothers.

Found on a sketch leaf for the Adagio of the Quartet Op. 59 no. 1. Leitzmann recalls that one of Ludwig’s brothers, also named Ludwig, died at birth.

3. [1806] Just as you here fling yourself into the whirl of society, how is it possible to write works with all the social obstacles. Let your deafness no longer be a secret—even in art.

From a sketchbook for the finale of the String Quartet in C major, Op. 59 no. 3.

4. [1807] Let the listener discover the situation. Sinfonia caracteristica [in Italian]. Every depiction, if pushed too far in instrumental music, is lost. Sinfonia pastorella [in Italian]. Anyone who preserves even some idea of country life can understand for himself, without need of further titles, what the author intended. Even without descriptions it will be recognized that the whole is more feeling than painting in music.

Found in a preparatory sketchbook for the Pastoral Symphony.

5. [1808] Pastoral Symphony not painting, but rather the feelings are expressed which the pleasure of the countryside arouses in man, in which certain sensations of country life are described.

From a preparatory sketchbook for the Choral Fantasy Op. 80. The remark is written in relation to a brief explanatory title that was to be given to the Pastoral Symphony for its first performance.

6. [1811] Cotton in the ears at the piano deprives my ear of unpleasant crashes.

From a sketchbook for the Seventh and Eighth Symphonies. Cotton in the ears was one of the first things the ten‑year‑old Carl Czerny noticed at his first meeting with Beethoven!

II. Notes nos. 7–180, years 1812–1818

These notes, as Leitzmann reports, come from the Fischhoff Manuscript of the Staatsbibliothek in Berlin. They were gathered in two booklets that came into the hands of Ludwig Nohl and were considered lost in 1918. In the Fischhoff manuscript these notes were copied from an original booklet of Beethoven’s (or from a copy of it) from the years 1812–1818, which today is commonly referred to as the Tagebuch. It was not, however, a true diary, but occasional annotations—echoes of reflections and emotional reactions to dissatisfaction with his work, to family events; to projects; to records of life events; to reminders for musical projects, or for things done and to be done. Some notes concern financial activities, medical treatments, domestic problems.

There are many quotations from writings by classical and contemporary authors: from Homer to Schiller, from Christian Sturm’s Betrachtungen to the poetry of Herder. From this point of view the Aufzeichnungen are, in the end, a good mirror of that “effort to grasp the meaning of the best and wisest people of every age” that Beethoven, in a famous letter, says he always made.

Several annotations contain quotations from writings related to Eastern thought and philosophy. There are invocations and prayers addressed to God, to the Almighty, outside any dogmatism, and this, as Solomon writes, “exemplifies Beethoven’s non‑dogmatic adherence to a wide range of non‑Christian religious forms,” within a worldview which, as in Enlightenment thought, postulated a higher religious truth independent of Churches and dogmas.

Entirely absent from these Notes are references to Beethoven’s successes. For example, there is no mention of his fame or of the honours paid to him at the Congress of Vienna—something which, as we know from other sources, Beethoven was rather proud of. There is no historical or political reference, nor to the fall of Napoleon.

Despite their fragmentary nature and at times obscure meaning, the Notes help us to understand certain traits of Beethoven’s character; they open some glimpses onto his poetics, onto his psychological state in that difficult period in which his personal problems—at a certain point above all the legal battle for the guardianship of his nephew—surely affected his productivity.

It seems certain that Beethoven, apart from and beyond these notes, never kept a diary. There exists another small notebook of annotations referring to the period late 1792–early 1794, which Leitzmann does not include in his book. This booklet contains a series of notes relating to the expenses incurred by Beethoven in his move to Vienna and in his first Viennese period.

It is not easy to determine why Beethoven began to write these notes. But from the end of 1812, as his deafness became ever more overwhelming, the Master must have felt a growing sense of isolation for various reasons: the departure from Vienna of the Brentanos and the end of the affair with the Immortal Beloved first, then his estrangement from Breuning, and finally the departure of Erdödy. All this, perhaps, was the stimulus to write down his reflections.

How the originals of these Notes were lost is not clear. After Beethoven’s death, the Master’s personal papers—those not taken by Schindler—passed to Stephan von Breuning, Beethoven’s executor, and shortly thereafter, upon his death on 4 June 1827, came into the hands of Jacob Hotschevar, who replaced Breuning as executor and guardian of the nephew Karl. But to whom did they pass afterwards?

According to Eliot Forbes, fortunately Jacob Hotschevar, Karl’s guardian, made a copy of the Master’s papers, adding some information of his own. This copy was then given to Joseph Fischhof, professor at the Vienna Conservatory. Upon Fischhof’s death, the copy came into the hands of a music dealer, Julius Friedländer, who sold it to the Berlin Library in 1859, where Thayer had the opportunity to study it and where it remains today. The original, as Caroline, the wife of Karl van Beethoven, recounted, was supposedly given by Hotschevar to Karl when he came of age, that is, in September 1830. At Karl’s death in 1858, Beethoven’s papers presumably remained in the hands of the widow. But at that point all trace of this manuscript was lost.

A somewhat different story is reported by Solomon. Around 1827 the original (or a copy?) came into the hands of Anton Gräffer (1774–1852), an employee of Artaria, who, in agreement with Karl Holz, was supposed to write a biography of Beethoven (Holz, let us not forget, had received Beethoven’s authorization to write his biography). Gräffer made a copy of it. Gräffer’s copy was then given to Joseph Fischhof, professor of piano at the Vienna Conservatory, who in turn recopied it. Gräffer’s copy then passed into the hands of Ferdinand Simon Gassner (1798–1851), who was to write the biography since Gräffer had done nothing with it, and finally, from the hands of Gassner’s widow, it reached Ludwig Nohl, and was believed lost.

It is certain that there are multiple copies of these manuscripts: two at the Staatsbibliothek in Berlin; one at the Municipal Archive of Iserlohn; one at the University Library of Bonn. The material contained in them is, apart from some variants, overlapping. It is also certain that the first publication of the Notes from 1812–1818, today commonly called the Tagebuch, was made by Ludwig Nohl in 1871, and Leitzmann alludes in his book to Nohl’s material, believed lost (but rediscovered in 1965). According to Sieghard Brandenburg, the copy that had belonged to Nohl was written in Gräffer’s own hand.

7. 1812 Submission, the deepest submission to your destiny. Only this can sacrifices grant you — to professional duty. Oh, hard struggle! Use everything that still remains to be done for what is necessary in order to plan the long journey.

Leitzmann believes that “the long journey” may refer to the projected but never realized trip to London with Mälzel.

8. You had no right to be a man, not for yourself but only for others: for you there is no more happiness, except in yourself, in your art. O God! Give me the strength to conquer myself; nothing must bind me to life any longer. In this way everything goes to ruin with A.

According to Leitzmann, if the copyists transcribed the letter “A” correctly, it might refer to Amalia Sebald, with whom Beethoven was involved in August 1811 and 1812 at Teplitz. But, as Leitzmann notes, the famous letter to the Immortal Beloved belongs to this same period, and the addressee is unknown. Solomon believes this note alludes precisely to the 1812 affair with the Immortal Beloved, in which case the name might be Antonie Brentano. (Letter to the Immortal Beloved, K.55; Kastner already wrote “presumably 1812.”)

10. 13 May 1813 A great action, such as it may be, to renounce and remain thus. What a difference compared with a life without activity, which I had often imagined for myself. O terrible circumstances that do not suppress my love for a domestic life but [prevent] its realization. O God, God, look down upon the unhappy B., let it not last any longer.

As Leitzmann notes, Beethoven here alludes to the problems of marriage and the obstacles to it, perhaps in relation to the Immortal Beloved episode.

12. Learn to be silent, my friend. Speech resembles silver, but silence at the right moment is pure gold.

This is the first poem by Johann Gottfried Herder copied into the Aufzeichnungen, “Das Schweigen” (“Silence”), published, as Leitzmann recalls, in Blumen aus morgenländischen Dichtern gesammelt (Fourth collection of “Zerstreute Blätter,” in Sämtliche Werke, vol. 26, p. 374). Beethoven set this text to music. It is the first of the two “enigmatic canons” WoO 168, written, as Fanny Giannattasio del Rio recounts (Beethovens Persönlichkeit, p. 222), on 16 January 1816 in the album of the pianist Charles Neate.

13. Even if the clouds were to rain down streams of life, never will the willow bear dates. Do not waste time with evil people. Any reed whatsoever will never give you sugar. Can you forge a good blade from soft clay? Does the wolf change its nature, even if raised by man? Is it not the same rain that on salty ground makes thistles and brambles grow, and that gives flowers to gardens? Therefore do not waste seed and costly care: doing harm to the good and good to the bad is the same thing.

Another quotation from Herder, “Verschwendete Mühe” (“Wasted Effort”), again from Sämtliche Werke, vol. 26, p. 380. As Solomon notes, these are free adaptations of aphoristic and didactic poems by the Persian poet Saʿdī (c. 1213–1292).

14. The best system for not thinking about your troubles is activity.

Here Beethoven is likely alluding to his deafness.

35. There is much to do on earth; do it quickly!

36. Do not continue my (sic) present everyday life. Art demands this sacrifice as well. Rest with diversions in order to work for art more energetically.

This note reveals the conflict—always alive in Beethoven—between his longing for human contact, social life, marriage, and his devotion to art. See also nos. 52, 75, 100, 131, 178.

37. For why has Destiny given man the courage to endure?

The first Homeric quotation in the Notes. From the Iliad, Book XXIV, line 49.

42. Hatred falls back upon those who nourish it.

Its source is uncertain; probably a proverb.

45. Do not let people outwardly notice the contempt they deserve, for one never knows whether one may need them.

1815

52. Let everything that is called life be sacrificed to the sublime and [become] a sanctuary of art. Let me live, even by expedients, if any are still to be found.

53. Perfect the acoustic devices as far as possible, then travel. This you owe to yourself, to mankind, and to Him, the Almighty. Only thus can you once more develop everything that is forced to remain locked within you. And a small court — a small chapel — in it the hymn written by me, performed for the Glory of the Almighty — the Eternal, Infinite.

Leitzmann thinks Beethoven is alluding here to Olmütz, where his pupil Archduke Rudolph was to become Archbishop, as if Beethoven aspired to become his Kapellmeister.

55. The portraits of Händel, Bach, Gluck, Mozart, Haydn in my room; they may help to support me in suffering.

59. Iliad, Book 22, p. 356. But now fate seizes me! Let me not fall into the dust without toil and without glory; no, first let me accomplish great deeds of which even posterity shall hear.

Iliad, Book XXII, vv. 303–305. Leitzmann notes that the verses were marked with long and short syllables, as if in preparation for being set to music.

64. Under the tiger’s tooth I hear the sufferer pray: “Thanks to you, Most High, I die in pain, but not in guilt.”

From Herder, “Dank der Sterbenden” (“The Dying One’s Thanks”), in Blumen aus morgenländischen Dichtern gesammelt, in the fourth collection of his Zerstreute Blätter.

65. Do you wish to taste honey without suffering the bee’s sting? Do you desire the crowns of Victory without the danger of battle? Will the diver win the pearl from the depths if, fearing the crocodile, he lingers on the shore? Therefore dare! What God destined for you no one will tear from you; surely He destined it for you, for you, the bravest of men.

Johann Gottfried Herder, “Müh’ und Belohnung” (“Toil and Reward”), in Zerstreute Blätter.

66. He who loves God does not esteem the world more than it deserves, for he knows that the world offers no safe harbour. Cultivate knowledge; no path is safer for a man than that traced long ago by the wisest of men. Avoid the pain of having offended a friend, but above all the friend to whom no other is equal.

J. G. Herder, “Das Leben der Menschen” (“The Life of Man”).

67. Consolation of life. In adversity do not despair of seeing the day that brings you joy rather than sorrow, and pleasure rather than affliction. How often a pestilential wind has risen, yet soon after the air was filled with the most pleasant fragrance. Often a dark cloud threatened you and was swept away before the storm burst from its dark womb. How often smoke rose without fire! Therefore be of good cheer even in misfortune. Time brings miracles to light; innumerable are the graces you may expect from the great God.

J. G. Herder, same source as no. 66.

70. Do not ask questions, but act; sacrifice yourself without glory or reward.

71. He taught me renunciation and privation in the holy sense of duty, leaving me his heaven.

73. *Struggle for justice and for the daughter of justice, eternal freedom, transfigured through the law; resignation to the inflexible will of iron destiny; obedience and renunciation and unchanging faith even into the grave! Stout‑hearted Robert! Will you practise resignation and renunciation? …

You are a hero — you are, which is worth ten times more, a true man! Only the side of the weak is torn by the iron finger of Destiny … Yet there are moments! …

Yes, certainly they exist, but thanks be to God, they are only moments in which man, forced by mighty nature, imagines the best part of himself at the mercy of the waves … You too will rise again, stout‑hearted Robert!

What can I do?

Be superior to your destiny, love the enemy, and seek the highest good of your own perfection in creation!*

From Zacharias Werner, Die Söhne des Thals (“The Sons of the Valley”).

74. God is immaterial, therefore He is beyond all comprehension; since He is invisible He can have no form. But from His works we are aware that He is eternal, omnipotent, omniscient, and omnipresent. He who is free from all desire, that one is the [All‑]powerful. He alone. No one is greater than He. Brahma: His spirit is wrapped within itself. He, the Almighty, is present in every place of space. … O God … You are the true, eternally blessed, immutable light of all times and all places. …

These extracts of Indian‑inspired philosophy were copied from Johann Friedrich Kleuker, Das brahmanische Religionssystem im Zusammenhänge dargestellt (“The Brahmanical Religious System Presented in Its Entirety”), Riga 1795–1797.

75. Everything flows clear and pure from God. If afterwards I was darkened by the passion for evil, I returned, after repeated penances and purifications, to the first, sublime and pure source, to the Divinity — and to your art.

76. Blessed is the man who has tamed all his passions and then, through his activity, has carried out all the tasks of life without worrying about success. Let the motive lie in the action and not in the result. Do not be one of those whose impulse to act lies in the hope of a reward. Do not let your life pass in inactivity. Be diligent, fulfil your duty, abandon every thought of consequences and of the result, which may be good or bad, for such indifference means attention to what is spiritual.

See note 74. According to Leitzmann, the first part derives from Śakuntalā by Kālidāsa, in Förster’s German translation; the final sentences are certainly Beethoven’s own addition.

90. Endurance. Resignation. Resignation. Thus we overcome even the darkest misery and make ourselves worthy, so that God our sins … [may redeem].

As Leitzmann notes, the final words are missing, but the meaning is clear.

91. Unfortunately mediocre geniuses are condemned to imitate the defects of the great masters without appreciating their beauty; hence the harm that Michelangelo has done to painting, Shakespeare to dramatic art, and Beethoven, in our day, to music.

Written in French; probably taken from a contemporary newspaper.

99. Just as the state must have a constitution, so must the individual have one of his own.

A sentence characteristic of Beethoven’s thinking about the rectitude of conduct required of a man.

100. Live only in your art! You are now so limited in your spirit that this is certainly the only existence for you.

As Magnani observes, Beethoven’s goal lies in the most intense spiritual concentration, in mastering his emotional impulses, in sovereign command of technique.

105. The principal characteristic of an excellent man: perseverance in adverse or unpleasant circumstances.

Again, a quotation.

110. Follow the advice of others only in the most exceptional cases; in a matter on which one has already reflected, who can know all the present circumstances as well as oneself?!

111. These Lacedaemonians died without reckoning, for honour, either death or life …

An ancient quotation, according to Leitzmann; but it may also be Beethoven’s comment on his classical reading, praising the Spartans’ devotion to the common good.

116. When from the order of the world order and beauty emerge, there is a God.

Leitzmann did not know the source; Solomon identifies it as a sentence from Immanuel Kant’s Allgemeine Naturgeschichte und Theorie des Himmels, printed in bold in the 1798 reprint.

112. Death swoops upon man as a predator; To him it is not given to know the appointed day; It strikes him down on the road, it seizes him in his vigour, It lays him low amid the whirlpools of mad pleasure. And the man who is impious and the man who is pious Suddenly find themselves before their God.

From Schiller’s Wilhelm Tell, Act IV (“Gesang der Mönche”). Beethoven set these verses on 3 May 1817 (WoO 104) in memory of Wenzel Krumpholz.

126. Yet what greater gift can be given to a man than fame and praise for eternity?

From Pliny’s Epistles (Latin: Tametsi quid homini potest dari majus quam gloria et laus et aeternitas?).

129. God help me! You see me abandoned by all mankind, for I do not wish to do harm. Hear my prayer, to remain with my Karl, certainly only for the future, since now there seems no possibility. O hard fate, O cruel destiny! No, no, my unhappy situation has no end!

Written shortly after Beethoven took Karl into his home in January 1818.

130. This alone I feel and perceive clearly: life is not the supreme good, but the greatest evil is guilt.

Final verses of Schiller’s Die Braut von Messina.

131. To save yourself there is no other means than [to depart] from here. Only thus will you be able to rise again to the summit of your art, whereas here you sink into baseness. Only one symphony — and then away, away, away!

Likely an outburst from a Beethoven emotionally shaken by the legal battle over Karl.

135. The gratification of the senses without union of souls is and remains bestial: afterwards no trace of a noble feeling remains, but rather remorse.

Often cited by those who wished to portray Beethoven as a model of chastity; more plausibly a reflection of his own ethical aspirations and transgressions.

140. Peace and freedom are the most precious goods.

149. Solitude is like poison for you, in your condition of deafness; you are always suspicious of a person of lower rank who is around you.

Beethoven’s distrust of servants is well documented in letters and testimonies.

150. The weaknesses of nature are given by nature itself, and sovereign reason must seek to guide and diminish them with its strength.

Uncertain whether this is Beethoven’s own reflection or a quotation.

164. How stupidity and squalor always remain paired.

171. It would have been possible, without offending the widow’s feelings, but it was not so. Only you, Almighty, see into my heart; you know that I have set aside my own well‑being for the sake of my dear Karl; bless my work, bless the widow! For what reason can I not follow my heart entirely, and defy the widow? God, God, my refuge, my rock, my all, you see into my innermost being and know how it pains me to make someone suffer because of the good things I do for my Karl!!! O hear, eternal ineffable One, hear me, your unhappy one, the most unhappy of all mortals!

The widow is Johanna van Beethoven.

177. To write true religious music, examine all the ecclesiastical chorales of the monks, etc. Seek also the strophes in the most faithful translations and in the most correct prosody of all Christian‑Catholic psalms and hymns.

A clear anticipation of the Missa solemnis.

178. Sacrifice, once and for all, the trivialities of social life to your art! O God above all! For eternal Providence, in its omniscience and wisdom, determines the happiness and unhappiness of mortals.

The second sentence is from the Odyssey.

179. Now for him who is cruel in thoughts and deeds All wish misfortune upon him throughout his life, And even after death his memory is accursed. But for him who is noble in thoughts and performs noble deeds Worthy fame is spread by strangers To all mankind, and everyone blesses the just man.

Odyssey, Book XIX.

180. I shall submit serenely to all changes and place all my trust in You, immutable Good, O God! In You, immutable, my soul shall rejoice. Be my rock, God, be my light, my eternal certainty!

From Christoph Christian Sturm, Betrachtungen über die Werke Gottes…, meditation for 29 December.

The Sketchbooks

Two types of documents are peculiar to Beethoven: his Conversation Books and his sketchbooks. The Conversation Books were a social necessity (because of his deafness). The sketchbooks were a necessity of a different kind: they were, or became, indispensable to his creative process. Few composers have failed to make use of sketches when preparing or drafting a composition. What is striking in Beethoven, and distinguishes him from his colleagues, is the extent of his dependence on sketches, which he preserved throughout his life and which allow us to follow the laborious elaboration of ideas up to the moment when he felt he had reached the finished expression of his musical thought.

What did the sketchbooks mean to Beethoven? There is no doubt that they were personal and private documents. Beethoven occasionally gave an autograph to a visitor, but he does not seem ever to have given away any of his sketchbooks; they remained with him, in an ever‑growing and substantial collection, and accompanied him through his many changes of residence. When he died he possessed sketchbooks from every period of his life, and more than fifty of them were included in the auction of his belongings (and fetched some of the lowest prices of the sale). And, ironically, today the sketchbooks are scattered among libraries all over the world.

The careful preservation, over a lifetime, of these arcane volumes suggests that they had a special function for him, sustaining him morally as well as facilitating his creative process, and that he guarded them so jealously, as Kerman suggests, “to examine them in moments of need or doubt.” He could not be separated from them for long; they were in fact part of his daily life, as his contemporaries noticed: “He was never seen in the street without a small notebook, on which he rapidly jotted down whatever came to his mind at the moment. Whenever conversation turned to this, he mischievously quoted the words of Schiller’s Joan of Arc: ‘Without my banner I would not dare to come.’”

Contemporaries were puzzled and amused by this seemingly bizarre way of seeking inspiration and by the great variety of material he appeared to jot down. Even Schindler makes him seem more capricious than purposeful: “It was Beethoven’s habit, in summer and winter, to rise at dawn and go straight to his desk. There he worked until two or three, the hour of his midday meal. During the morning he went out once or twice, during which he ‘worked and walked’; he returned home after half an hour or an hour with new ideas and wrote them down.”

The systematic study of the sketchbooks began with the pioneering work of Gustav Nottebohm, who more than a century ago began to describe many of them in detail. Many features to which Nottebohm drew attention have now become common observations: the constant repetition of passages in slightly different forms until the final, fully satisfactory version was “found” (a word of Nottebohm’s); the linear sketch of an entire section of a movement; the simultaneous work on different movements or different compositions; the sketches of works never realized. Naturally, it was the more immediately accessible parts of Nottebohm’s work that captured the popular imagination; thus, although he devoted much attention to the sketches of the overall plan of a movement, one may be forgiven for concluding that the principal function of the sketches was the refinement of melody, the raising of a theme from the banal to the sublime.

The sketchbooks are of more than one type. Some were too large to be carried about: they remained on the table and were used for the main groundwork of the compositions of the moment; most of these are written in ink. The portable ones were of different formats and could fit into a coat pocket. Most of these pocket sketchbooks are written in pencil. It is likely that the content of these pocket books differs from that of the more elaborate table sketchbooks: the brief, isolated, embryonic ideas were then systematically developed after returning home.

Usually, in these [table “” not found /]
sketchbooks the sketches belong to the same period. But there are sketchbooks that contain sketches from different periods of Beethoven’s life. In such cases the paper is not uniform, and the leaves were not bound together before use. It is likely that such collections were not assembled by Beethoven, but that the various pages were brought together after his death by some collector or librarian. Likewise, many loose leaves exist that contain sketches of a similar nature; most of these are pages from sketchbooks that were wholly or partly dismantled.

In reality the sketchbooks contain more than simple jottings of musical annotations relating to works in progress. One often finds brief verbal memoranda that Beethoven made for himself concerning the nature or architecture of a movement. Those for the Pastoral Symphony are perhaps the best known: “all painting in instrumental music fails if pushed too far”; “people do not need titles to understand the whole more as a matter of feeling than of painting in sounds,” etc. There are also rough drafts of difficult letters or of titles for dedications; lists of errors; fair copies of short passages, perhaps intended for copying by scribes; sums, calculations; pianistic figurations and exercises that were probably reminders for his famous improvisations.

Work for Beethoven was so closely connected with the immediate jotting down of ideas, of the plan or revision of the structure of a movement, and the progressive refinement of thematic material, that he seems to have been unable to confine the process of annotation to the sketchbooks he had reserved for this purpose. Copies of musical ideas, thematic fragments, and other traces of the reworking of passages spilled onto every other piece of paper on Beethoven’s desk: the backs of letters, certain pages of the Conversation Books. They also appear in the margins or on the empty staves of scores of completed works.

Naturally, the passage from a sketch to a score represents the passage from a private to a public act. The sketchbooks are intimate and personal documents. This personal character is reflected in the obscurity of the handwriting and in the absence of normal conventions of musical notation. The various writings were not meant to be intelligible to anyone but Beethoven; thus clefs and rhythmic indications are often missing. So much so that at times deciphering the script, reading the exact notes and abbreviations, can be an impossible task.

Tyson